Imaginary wars and battles -- Fiction; Nuclear warfare -- Fiction; War stories
‘Ah!’ said the judge, ‘now why couldn’t you say that when counsel put
the question? . . .’
An entry in Holsten’s diary-autobiography, dated five days later, runs:
‘Still amazed. The law is the most dangerous thing in this country. It
is hundreds of years old. It hasn’t an idea. The oldest of old bottles
and this new wine, the most explosive wine. Something will overtake
them.’
Section 4
There was a certain truth in Holsten’s assertion that the law was
‘hundreds of years old.’ It was, in relation to current thought and
widely accepted ideas, an archaic thing. While almost all the material
and methods of life had been changing rapidly and were now changing
still more rapidly, the law-courts and the legislatures of the world
were struggling desperately to meet modern demands with devices and
procedures, conceptions of rights and property and authority and
obligation that dated from the rude compromises of relatively barbaric
times. The horse-hair wigs and antic dresses of the British judges,
their musty courts and overbearing manners, were indeed only the
outward and visible intimations of profounder anachronisms. The legal
and political organisation of the earth in the middle twentieth century
was indeed everywhere like a complicated garment, outworn yet strong,
that now fettered the governing body that once it had protected.
Yet that same spirit of free-thinking and outspoken publication that in
the field of natural science had been the beginning of the conquest of
nature, was at work throughout all the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries preparing the spirit of the new world within the degenerating
body of the old. The idea of a greater subordination of individual
interests and established institutions to the collective future, is
traceable more and more clearly in the literature of those times, and
movement after movement fretted itself away in criticism of and
opposition to first this aspect and then that of the legal, social, and
political order. Already in the early nineteenth century Shelley, with
no scrap of alternative, is denouncing the established rulers of the
world as Anarchs, and the entire system of ideas and suggestions that
was known as Socialism, and more particularly its international side,
feeble as it was in creative proposals or any method of transition,
still witnesses to the growth of a conception of a modernised system of
inter-relationships that should supplant the existing tangle of
proprietary legal ideas.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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