The world war : $b a history of the nations and empires involved and a study of the events culminating in the great conflictMarshall, Logan
History
The world war : $b a history of the nations and empires involved and a study of the events culminating in the great conflict
Marshall, Logan
Europe -- History -- 1789-1900; Europe -- History -- 1871-1918; World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
What had Germany to gain in the war in the instigation of which she is
charged with being so deeply involved? Territorial aggrandizement may
have been one of her purposes. Belgium and Holland lay between her and
the open Atlantic, and the possession of these countries, with their
splendid ports, would pay her well for a reasonable degree of risk and
cost. The invasion of Belgium as her first move in the war game may
have had an ulterior purpose in the acquisition of that country, one
likely to be as distasteful to France as the taking over of
Alsace-Lorraine. Perhaps the neutral position taken by Holland, with
her seeming inclination in favor of Germany, may have had more than
racial relations behind it. Considerations of ultimate safety from
annexation may have had its share in this attitude of neutrality.
The general impression has been that Germany went to war with the
purpose of establishing beyond question her political and military
supremacy on the European continent. Military despotism in Germany was
the decisive factor in making inevitable the general war. The Emperor
of Germany stood as the incarnation and exponent of the Prussian policy
of military autocracy. He had ruled all German States in unwavering
obedience to the militarist maxim: “In times of peace prepare for war.”
He had used to the full his autocratic power in building up the German
Empire and in making it not only a marvel of industrial efficiency, but
also a stupendous military machine. In this effort he had burdened the
people of Germany with an ever-increasing war budget. The limit in this
direction was reached with the war budget of the year 1912 when the
revenues of the princes and of all citizens of wealth were specially
taxed. No new sources of revenue remained. A crisis had come.
That crisis, as sometimes claimed, was not any menace from Britain or
any fear of the British power. It was rather the very real and very
rapidly rising menace of the new great Slav power on Germany’s border,
including, as it did, the Russian Empire and the entire line of Slav
countries that encircled Germanic Austria from the Adriatic to Bohemia.
These Slav peoples are separated from the governing Teutonic race in
the Austrian Empire by the gulfs of blood, language, and religion. And
in Europe the Slav population very largely outnumbers the Teuton
population and is growing much more rapidly.
Recent events, especially in the Balkan wars, had made it plain, not to
the German Emperor alone, but to all the world, that the growth into an
organized power of more than two hundred millions of Slav peoples along
nearly three thousand miles of international frontier was a menace to
the preservation of Teuton supremacy in Europe. That Teuton supremacy
was based on the sword. The German Emperor’s appeal was to “My sword.”
But when the new sword of the united Slav power was allowed to be
unsheathed, German supremacy was threatened on its own ground and by
the weapon of its own choosing.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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