The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 1 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 1 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Dr. Witherspoon was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses
was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was
practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true barometer
of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal
between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the food of
freemen, and, therefore, should be taxed; horses also eat the food of
freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said too,
that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State is to
pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always take
slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. But
the cases are not parallel. In the Southern colonies slaves pervade the
whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. That as to
the original resolution of Congress, to proportion the quotas according
to the souls, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys
heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and
therefore stand on original ground.
August 1. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
rejected by the votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, against those of
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina. Georgia was
divided.
The other article was in these words. "Art. XVII. In determining
questions, each colony shall have one vote."
July 30, 31, August 1. Present forty-one members. Mr. Chase observed
this article was the most likely to divide us, of any one proposed
in the draught then under consideration: that the larger colonies
had threatened they would not confederate at all, if their weight in
Congress should not be equal to the numbers of people they added to the
confederacy; while the smaller ones declared against a union, if they
did not retain an equal vote for the protection of their rights. That
it was of the utmost consequence to bring the parties together, as,
should we sever from each other, either no foreign power will ally with
us at all, or the different States will form different alliances, and
thus increase the horrors of those scenes of civil war and bloodshed,
which in such a state of separation and independence, would render
us a miserable people. That our importance, our interests, our peace
required that we should confederate, and that mutual sacrifices should
be made to effect a compromise of this difficult question. He was of
opinion, the smaller colonies would lose their rights, if they were
not in some instances allowed an equal vote; and, therefore, that a
discrimination should take place among the questions which would come
before Congress. That the smaller States should be secured in all
questions concerning life or liberty, and the greater ones, in all
respecting property. He, therefore, proposed, that in votes relating to
money, the voice of each colony should be proportioned to the number of
its inhabitants.
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