The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 4 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private — John Shaqi
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 4 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 4 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
But Mr. Genet says, that the twenty-second article of our treaty allows
him _expressly_ to arm in our ports. Why has he not quoted the very words
of that article _expressly_ allowing it? For that would have put an end
to all further question. The words of the article are, "it shall not be
lawful for any foreign privateers not belonging to subjects of the M.
C. King, nor citizens of the said United States, who have commissions
from any foreign Prince or State in enmity with either nation, to fit
their ships in the ports of either the one or the other of the aforesaid
parties." Translate this from the general terms in which it here
stands, into the special case produced by the present war. "Privateers
not belonging to France or the United States, and having commissions
from the enemies of one of them," are, in the present state of things,
"British, Dutch and Spanish privateers." Substituting these, then, for the
equivalent terms, it will stand thus, "it shall not be lawful for British,
Dutch or Spanish privateers to fit their ships in the ports of the United
States." Is this an _express_ permission to France to do it? Does the
negative to the enemies of France, and silence as to France herself,
imply an affirmative to France? Certainly not; it leaves the question as
to France open, and free to be decided according to circumstances. And if
the parties had meant an affirmative stipulation, they would have provided
for it expressly; they would never have left so important a point to be
inferred from mere silence or implications. Suppose they had desired to
stipulate a refusal to their enemies, but nothing to themselves; what form
of expression would they have used? Certainly the one they have used; an
express stipulation as to their enemies, and silence as to themselves.
And such an intention corresponds not only with the words, but with the
circumstances of the times. It was of value to each party to exclude
its enemies from arming in the ports of the other, and could in no case
embarrass them. They therefore stipulated so far mutually. But each might
be embarrassed by permitting the other to arm in its ports. They therefore
would not stipulate to permit that. Let us go back to the state of things
in France when this treaty was made, and we shall find several cases
wherein France could not have permitted us to arm in her ports. Suppose a
war between these States and Spain. We know, that by the treaties between
France and Spain, the former could not permit the enemies of the latter
to arm in her ports. It was honest in her, therefore, not to deceive
us by such a stipulation. Suppose a war between these States and Great
Britain. By the treaties between France and Great Britain, in force at the
signature of ours, we could not have been permitted to arm in the ports
of France. She could not then have meant in this article to give us such
a right. She has manifested the same sense of it in her subsequent treaty
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