The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private — John Shaqi
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 5 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Our information from London continues to give us hopes of an accommodation
there on both the points of "accustomed commerce and impressment." In this
there must probably be some mutual concession, because we cannot expect
to obtain everything and yield nothing. But I hope it will be such an one
as may be accepted. The arrival of the Hornet in France is so recently
known, that it will yet be some time before we learn our prospects there.
Notwithstanding the efforts made here, and made professedly to assassinate
that negotiation in embryo, if the good sense of Bonaparte should prevail
over his temper, the present state of things in Europe may induce him
to require of Spain that she should do us justice at least. That he
should require her to sell us East Florida, we have no right to insist;
yet there are not wanting considerations which may induce him to wish a
permanent foundation for peace laid between us. In this treaty, whatever
it shall be, our old enemies the federalists, and their new friends, will
find enough to carp at. This is a thing of course, and I should suspect
error where they found no fault. The buzzard feeds on carrion only. Their
rallying point is "war with France and Spain, and alliance with Great
Britain:" and everything is wrong with them which checks their new ardor
to be fighting for the liberties of mankind; on the sea always excepted.
There one nation is to monopolize all the liberties of the others.
I read, with extreme regret, the expressions of an inclination on your
part to retire from Congress. I will not say that this time, more than all
others, calls for the service of every man; but I will say, there never
was a time when the services of those who possess talents, integrity,
firmness, and sound judgment, were more wanted in Congress. Some one of
that description is particularly wanted to take the lead in the House
of Representatives, to consider the business of the nation as his own
business, to take it up as if he were singly charged with it, and carry it
through. I do not mean that any gentleman, relinquishing his own judgment,
should implicitly support all the measures of the administration; but
that, where he does not disapprove of them, he should not suffer them
to go off in sleep, but bring them to the attention of the House, and
give them a fair chance. Where he disapproves, he will of course leave
them to be brought forward by those who concur in the sentiment. Shall
I explain my idea by an example? The classification of the militia was
communicated to General Varnum and yourself merely as a proposition,
which, if you approved, it was trusted you would support. I knew, indeed,
that General Varnum was opposed to anything which might break up the
present organization of the militia: but when so modified as to avoid
this, I thought he might, perhaps, be reconciled to it. As soon as I found
it did not coincide with your sentiments, I could not wish you to support
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