The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 8 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and PrivateJefferson, Thomas
History
The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 8 (of 9): Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four
pillars of our prosperity, are the most thriving when left most
free to individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments,
however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in
the course of your observations or inquiries they should appear to
need any aid within the limits of our constitutional powers, your
sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy
your attention. We cannot, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude
for the difficulties under which our carrying trade will
soon be placed. How far it can be relieved, otherwise than by
time, is a subject of important consideration.
The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that
portion of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the
contemplation of Congress; and that they may be able to judge
of the proportion which the institution bears to the business it
has to perform, I have caused to be procured from the several
States, and now lay before Congress, an exact statement of all
the causes decided since the first establishment of the courts, and
of those which were depending when additional courts and
judges were brought in to their aid.
And while on the judiciary organization, it will be worthy
your consideration, whether the protection of the inestimable institution
of juries has been extended to all the cases involving the
security of our persons and property. Their impartial selection
also being essential to their value, we ought further to consider
whether that is sufficiently secured in those States where they
are named by a marshal depending on executive will, or designated
by the court or by officers dependent on them.
I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the
subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of
human life, a denial of citizenship under a residence of fourteen
years is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it, and
controls a policy pursued from their first settlement by many of
these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity.
And shall we refuse the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality
which the savages of the wilderness extended to our
fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no
asylum on this globe? The constitution, indeed, has wisely
provided that, for admission to certain offices of important trust,
a residence shall be required sufficient to develop character and
design. But might not the general character and capabilities of
a citizen be safely communicated to every one manifesting a
_bonâ fide_ purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently
with us? with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent
usurpation of our flag; an abuse which brings so much
embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen, and so much
danger to the nation of being involved in war, that no endeavor
should be spared to detect and suppress it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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