Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2): or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850 — John Shaqi
Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2): or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850Benton, Thomas Hart
History
Thirty Years' View (Vol. 2 of 2): or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850
Benton, Thomas Hart
United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified, 'I must
go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising
opponent of every attempt, on the part of Congress, to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the
slaveholding States; and also with a determination equally decided
to resist the slightest interference with it in the States where
it exists.' I submitted also to my fellow-citizens, with fulness
and frankness, the reasons which led me to this determination. The
result authorizes me to believe that they have been approved, and
are confided in, by a majority of the people of the United States,
including those whom they most immediately affect. It now only
remains to add, that no bill conflicting with these views can ever
receive my constitutional sanction. These opinions have been adopted
in the firm belief that they are in accordance with the spirit that
actuated the venerated fathers of the republic, and that succeeding
experience has proved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient,
honorable and just. If the agitation of this subject was intended
to reach the stability of our institutions, enough has occurred to
show that it has signally failed; and that in this, as in every
other instance, the apprehensions of the timid and the hopes of the
wicked for the destruction of our government, are again destined to
be disappointed."
The determination here declared to yield the presidential sanction
to no bill which proposed to interfere with slavery in the States;
or to abolish it in the District of Columbia while it existed in
the adjacent States, met the evil as it then presented itself--a
fear on the part of some of the Southern States that their rights of
property were to be endangered by federal legislation: and against
which danger the veto power was now pledged to be opposed. There was
no other form at that time in which slavery agitation could manifest
itself, or place on which it could find a point to operate--the
ordinance of 1787, and the compromise of 1820, having closed up the
Territories against it. Danger to slave property in the States,
either by direct action, or indirectly through the District of
Columbia, were the only points of expressed apprehension; and
at these there was not the slightest ground for fear. No one in
Congress dreamed of interfering with slavery in the States, and the
abortion of all the attempts made to abolish it in the District,
showed the groundlessness of that fear. The pledged veto was not a
necessity, but a propriety;--not necessary, but prudential;--not
called for by anything in congress, but outside of it. In that
point of view it was wise and prudent. It took from agitation its
point of support--its means of acting on the fears and suspicions
of the timid and credulous: and it gave to the country a season of
repose and quiet from this disturbing question until a new point of
agitation could be discovered and seized.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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