Thoughts on Slavery and Cheap Sugar: A Letter to the Members and Friends of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery SocietyRitchie, J. Ewing (James Ewing)
History
Thoughts on Slavery and Cheap Sugar: A Letter to the Members and Friends of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
Ritchie, J. Ewing (James Ewing)
Slave trade; Slavery; Sugar trade
wrong course, immediately abandon it for the right.
* * * * *
In the preceding pages we have endeavoured to advocate Free Trade, as the
only one thing by which slavery can be destroyed. We now come to a
subject of equal importance—the claims of our countrymen at home. We
plead not for the Manchester warehouseman, cribbed, cabined, and confined
by our wretched system of commercial policy, but we plead for the
overtaxed and under-fed hard-working men and women of Great Britain. It
is well to be tenderly alive to the concerns of the West Indian negro,
but the charity that exhausts itself on them partakes of the same mongrel
character as that sensibility which sheds floods of tears over the
feigned distresses of the stage, and looks unmoved upon the miseries of a
world. A reduction in the price of sugar would most certainly be an
inestimable boon to the working man. Such a step taken by government
would produce no increase in the consumption of sugar on the part of the
middle or higher classes, but it would enable the poorer classes at once
to use one of the most nutritious and essential articles of food. If you
would preserve a man from drunkenness, make his home happy; let him have
something better than the meagre fare which too generally awaits him. On
the government which, by its interference, deprives the operative of the
fair fruit of his labour, which drives him to the alehouse, to avoid the
home rendered wretched by their accursed agency, rest the blame and guilt
occasioned by the degradation and destruction of the body and soul of
man. Different is the judgment of Heaven from that of the world. Could
our voice reach the ears of our senators, we would ask them to pause ere
they continued in a course of legislation which has been a fruitful
source of vice—a course of legislation which, like the destroying angel,
has spread death through the land. We would say to them, “Law-makers,
see there the wretched slave of vice; the fault is not his, but yours.
From your costly clubs, from your glittering saloons, flushed with
revelry and wine, you have gone to the House, and, in the fulness of your
power and pride, declared that his hearth should be desolate—that the
crust he gnaws he should earn at the price of his life—that misery and
want, like attendant handmaids, should follow on his steps; and if he has
shrunk abashed from their presence—if his heart has failed him in the
hour of need—if he has forgotten his manhood and his immortality—if he
has joined in the hideous orgies of the drunken and the desolate—if he
has sunk into the condition of the beast—the crime, and shame, and curse,
be yours. And you may well shudder with an unwonted fear at the thought
of the hour when Heaven shall require an account at your hands—when it
shall be asked you why you laid on your brother a burden greater than he
could bear, and why you blotted out the image of divinity that was
planted there.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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