Thoughts on the Present Discontents, and SpeechesBurke, Edmund
General
Thoughts on the Present Discontents, and Speeches
Burke, Edmund
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1760-1789
No complaisance to our Court, or to our age, can make me believe nature
to be so changed but that public liberty will be among us, as among our
ancestors, obnoxious to some person or other, and that opportunities will
be furnished for attempting, at least, some alteration to the prejudice
of our constitution. These attempts will naturally vary in their mode,
according to times and circumstances. For ambition, though it has ever
the same general views, has not at all times the same means, nor the same
particular objects. A great deal of the furniture of ancient tyranny is
worn to rags; the rest is entirely out of fashion. Besides, there are
few statesmen so very clumsy and awkward in their business as to fall
into the identical snare which has proved fatal to their predecessors.
When an arbitrary imposition is attempted upon the subject, undoubtedly
it will not bear on its forehead the name of _Ship-money_. There is no
danger that an extension of the _Forest laws_ should be the chosen mode
of oppression in this age. And when we hear any instance of ministerial
rapacity to the prejudice of the rights of private life, it will
certainly not be the exaction of two hundred pullets, from a woman of
fashion, for leave to lie with her own husband.
Every age has its own manners, and its politics dependent upon them; and
the same attempts will not be made against a constitution fully formed
and matured, that were used to destroy it in the cradle, or to resist its
growth during its infancy.
Against the being of Parliament, I am satisfied, no designs have ever
been entertained since the Revolution. Every one must perceive that it
is strongly the interest of the Court to have some second cause
interposed between the Ministers and the people. The gentlemen of the
House of Commons have an interest equally strong in sustaining the part
of that intermediate cause. However they may hire out the _usufruct_ of
their voices, they never will part with the _fee and inheritance_.
Accordingly those who have been of the most known devotion to the will
and pleasure of a Court, have at the same time been most forward in
asserting a high authority in the House of Commons. When they knew who
were to use that authority, and how it was to be employed, they thought
it never could be carried too far. It must be always the wish of an
unconstitutional statesman, that a House of Commons who are entirely
dependent upon him, should have every right of the people entirely
dependent upon their pleasure. It was soon discovered that the forms of
a free, and the ends of an arbitrary Government, were things not
altogether incompatible.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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