Three addresses on the relations subsisting between the white and colored people of the United StatesDouglass, Frederick
History
Three addresses on the relations subsisting between the white and colored people of the United States
Douglass, Frederick
African Americans -- Civil rights; United States -- Race relations
First. He may adopt a policy of total indifference. He may shut his eyes
to the fact that in all of the Gulf States political rights of colored
citizens are literally stamped out; that the Constitution which he has
solemnly sworn to support and enforce is under the feet of the mob; that
in those States there is no such thing as a fair election and an honest
count. He may utterly refuse to interfere by word or deed for the
enforcement of the Constitution and for the protection of the ballot,
and let the Southern question drift whithersoever it will, to a port of
safety or to a rock of disaster. He will probably be counselled to
pursue the course of President Hayes, but I hope he will refuse to
follow it. The reasons which supported that policy do not exist in the
case of a Democratic President. Mr. Hayes made a virtue of necessity. He
had fair warning that not a dollar or a dime would be voted by a
Democratic Congress if the army were kept in the South. The cry of the
country was against what was called bayonet rule.
Secondly. The President may pursue a temporizing policy; keep the word
of promise to the ear and break it to the heart, a half-hearted, a
neither hot nor cold, a good Lord and good devil policy. He may try to
avoid giving offence to any, and thus succeed in pleasing none; a policy
which no man or party can pursue without inviting and earning the scorn
and contempt of all honest men and of all honest parties.
Thirdly. He may decide to accept the Mississippi plan of conducting
elections at the South; encourage violence and crime; elevate to office
the men whose hands are reddest with innocent blood; force the negroes
out of Southern politics by the shot-gun and the bulldozer’s whip;
cheat them out of the elective franchise; suppress the Republican vote;
kill off their white Republican leaders, and keep the South solid; and
keep its one hundred and fifty-three electoral votes--obtained thus by
force, fraud, and red-handed violence--ready to be cast for a Democratic
candidate in 1888. This might be acceptable to a certain class of
Democrats at the South, but the Democrats of the North would abhor and
denounce it as a bloody and hell-black policy. It would hurl the party
from power in spite of the solid South, and keep it out of power another
four and twenty years.
Fourthly. He may sustain a policy of absolute fidelity to all the
requirements of the Constitution as it is, and, as John Adams said of
the Declaration of Independence, he may bravely say to the South and to
the nation: “Sink or swim, survive or perish, I am for the Constitution
in all its parts! I will be true to my oath, and I will, to the best of
my ability, and to the fullest extent of my power, defend, protect, and
maintain the rights of all citizens, without regard to race or color.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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