Rome -- History -- Tiberius, 14-37; Tiberius, Emperor of Rome 42 B.C.-37 A.D.
There was a third relationship of patron and client which was fairly
strictly defined by law; when a man emancipated a slave, the relations
between them were changed from those of master and slave to those of
patron and client. The slave did not always receive full citizenship on
emancipation, but all through the various degrees by which he passed
from the servile status to that of full citizen, he and his descendants
continued in the position of client to the original manumittor and his
descendants; the relationship was so close that the property of an
intestate freedman went to his patron or his patron’s representatives.
The legal statements on this subject are somewhat obscure, but enough
remains to show that the connection was recognized by the law as a
close one, and that there were rights on both sides; the relationship
was not purely a matter of personal choice nor readily dissoluble.
All these three ways in which the relation of patron and client might
be created tended even in the purest days of the Roman Republic to
make an election a struggle between big families and groups of big
families rather than a political struggle in which each elector formed
an opinion upon a question of policy and gave his vote independently.
The Senate, that is to say, the assembly of heads of houses, divided
into parties or groups, and each head of a house could bring so many
electors to vote at the polling booths with tolerable certainty. The
ultimate political unit for practical purposes was not the individual
but the group formed by a patron and his clients, who in their
different degrees voted as the patron directed.
A free Government controlled by an electorate, in which each individual
elector votes according to his own judgment, is a dream of political
theorists. It may have existed for a short time in some of the small
city states of antiquity, but in practice the individual elector is
too lazy to exert his own judgment; he votes, if it is made worth his
while to vote, either by the pressure of some extra constitutional
association to which he belongs, or by direct bribery, or by the more
insidious indirect bribery of party leaders who promise pecuniary or
sentimental satisfaction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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