Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
A conference is an excellent thing. The proposal of a league to enforce
peace by no means excludes it; but the important matter, the effective
principle, is that every member of the league should know that whether
a conference meets or not, or whatever action it may take or fail
to take, all the members of the league have pledged themselves to
declare war forthwith on any member that commits a breach of the peace
before submitting its case to the international tribunal or council of
conciliation. Such a pledge, and such a pledge alone, can have the strong
deterrent influence, and thus furnish the sanction, that is needed. Of
course the pledge may not be kept. Like other treaties it may be broken
by the parties to it. Nations are composed of human beings with human
weaknesses, and one of these is a disinclination to perform an agreement
when it involves a sacrifice. Nevertheless, nations, like men, often do
have enough sense of honor, of duty, or of ultimate self-interest, to
carry out their contracts at no little immediate sacrifice. They are
certainly more likely to do a thing if they have pledged themselves to it
than if they have not; and any nation would be running a terrible risk
that went to war in the hope that the other members of the league would
break their pledges.
[Sidenote: The threats of universal war and boycott.]
The same objection applies to another alternative proposed in place of
an immediate resort to military force: that is the use of economic
pressure, by a universal agreement, for example, to have no commercial
intercourse with the nation breaking the peace. A threat of universal
boycott is, no doubt, formidable, but by no means so formidable as a
threat of universal war. A large country with great natural resources
which has determined to make war, might be willing to face commercial
non-intercourse with the other members of the league during hostilities,
when it would not for a moment contemplate the risk of fighting them. A
threat, for example, by England, France, and Germany to stop all trade
with the United States might or might not have prevented our going to war
with Spain; but a declaration that they would take part with all their
armies and navies against us would certainly have done so.
It has often been pointed out that the threat of general non-intercourse
would bear much more hardly on some countries than on others. That may
not in itself be a fatal objection, but a very serious consideration
arises from the fact that there would be a premium on preparation for
war. A nation which had accumulated vast quantities of munitions, food,
and supplies of all kinds, might afford to disregard it; while another
less fully prepared could not.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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