Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
What this theory actually means is that the normal development of
industry and finance will automatically bring about international peace,
and that socialism and even democracy are quite unessential to that end.
Socialists may cry for peace, but they might as well cry for free air.
But the theory concedes too much and goes too far. It is tainted with the
same ultra-rationalistic spirit as is the earlier socialist theory, from
which it is a reaction. War is not fought for economic motives alone,
although these are important. Serbia would have been less vindictive had
Austria conceded her an outlet for her trade, but in any case Serbia
would not willingly be ruled by Austria, nor Bulgaria by Greece. Racial
pride, religious prejudice, ancient traditions of all sorts still divide
nations irrespective of economic interest. You cannot reduce a nation to
a single unit thinking only in economic terms.
Moreover, even on the purely economic side there are infinite chances
for war in the distribution of the profits of joint enterprises among
the capitalists of the various nations. We all know how “gentlemen’s
agreements” are broken as soon as it is profitable for the gentlemen to
break them, and we cannot wholly trust irresponsible magnates, whether
industrial or political, to be even intelligently selfish. Moreover,
in the present state of the world the higher imperialism is a policy
fraught with the very dangers and difficulties which it seeks to evade.
If the capitalists of Europe were determined to exploit South America
under a joint European control, the decision might directly lead to war.
There are too many vested national interests in colonies, dependencies
and spheres of influence to make internationalization of investment an
immediate specific against war.
[Sidenote: Internationalization of investment is only one step towards
peace.]
But in this matter of the higher imperialism we are less concerned to
know how false than how true it is. It is a thing to be desired if it
circumscribes war, even though it does not end war, if it tends towards
peace, even though it does not by itself alone assure peace. We believe
that this present war is not unlikely to end in a combination of great
nations with enormous capital, willing to enter upon foreign investments
jointly. The great capitalists, who influence if they do not rule our
modern industrial nations, will often discover that it is cheaper to
divide than to fight. It will be better to have twenty per cent. of a
Chinese loan without going to war than thirty per cent.—or nothing at
all—after a war. They will strive for the peace of “understanding”—the
peace of give and take.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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