Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916 — John Shaqi
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
History
Towards an enduring peace : $b A symposium of peace proposals and programs 1914-1916
Peace; World War, 1914-1918 -- Peace
The characteristic feature of modern wealth is that it is international.
Economic gain and loss is shared by the whole world, and the shifting of
the economic balance does not correspond to the moves in the game of
diplomatists and armies. Germany’s economic growth has been a phenomenon
quite independent of her political ambitions, and Germany’s economic
ruin would compromise something far greater than Germany’s political
future—the whole world’s prosperity. British wealth, among the rest,
would be dealt a deadly wound by Germany’s economic death, and it would
be idle to pump Germany’s last life-blood into our veins, if we were
automatically draining them of our own blood in the process.
But issues greater than the economic are involved. The modern “Nation”
is for good or ill an organism one and indivisible, and all the diverse
branches of national activity flourish or wither with the whole national
well-being. You cannot destroy German wealth without paralyzing German
intellect and art, and European civilization, if it is to go on growing,
cannot do without them. Every doctor and musician, every scientist,
engineer, political economist and historian, knows well his debt to the
spiritual energy of the German nation. In the moments when one realizes
the full horror of what is happening, the worst thought is the aimless
hurling to destruction of the world’s only true wealth, the skill and
nobility and genius of human beings, and it is probably in the German
casualties that the intellectual world is suffering its most irreparable
human losses.
With these facts in our minds, we can look into the future more clearly,
and choose our policy (supposing that we win the war, and, thereby,
the power to choose) with greater confidence. We have accepted the
fact that war itself is evil, and will in any event bring pure loss to
both parties: that no good can come from the war itself, but only from
our policy when the war is over: and that the one good our policy can
achieve, without which every gain is delusive, is the banishing of this
evil from the realities of the future. This is our one supreme “British
interest,” and it is a German interest just as much, and an interest of
the whole world.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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