Had the German Government been disposed to pursue a different policy
in the Near East, had it refused to link its political power with the
economic interests of its nationals, it would have been standing out
against an accepted practice of the Great Powers. Lord Lansdowne,
British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, informed the House of
Lords, in May, 1903, that it was impossible for the Foreign Office
to dissociate commercial and political interests. He doubted whether
British success in the Middle and Far East could have been achieved
without careful diplomatic promotion of British economic interests in
those regions.[5] Through financial control Russia and Great Britain
effectually throttled Persian reform and nationalist aspirations.
The pioneer activities of French capital in Tunis and Morocco are
outstanding instances of modern imperial procedure. Such also is the
use by the Government of the French Republic of its power to deny
listings on the Paris Bourse for the purpose of forcing political
concessions—a procedure which a French banker described to the author
as “a species of international blackmail.”[6] A prominent historian
and economist has described the Franco-Russian alliance as a “bankers’
creation.”[7] What other powers had been doing it was to be expected
that Germany would do. The ownership and operation of the Bagdad
Railway by a predominantly German company was an important factor in a
notable expansion of German commercial and financial activities in the
Near East. In an age of keen competition for economic influence in the
so-called backward areas of the world, this growth of German interests
in Turkey was almost certain to influence the diplomatic policy of
Germany toward the Ottoman Empire. The political aspirations of the
diplomatists were reënforced by the economic interests of the bankers.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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