The German Government, nevertheless, had been interested in the
Bagdad plan almost from its inception. The visits of the Emperor to
Constantinople and Palestine; the appointment of German military
and consular officers to the technical commission which surveyed
the line in 1899; the enthusiastic support of the German ambassador
all contributed to the success of the enterprise. In fact, the
German Government was almost too solicitous of the welfare of the
concessionaires; assistance, it was said, bordered upon interference.
During the early stages of the negotiations of 1898–1899 Dr. von
Siemens complained that the German embassy was jeopardizing the success
of the project by insisting that the issuance of the concessions
should be considered a diplomatic, as well as a business, triumph.
Dr. von Gwinner, also, was discontented with the tendency of the
German Government to urge strategic, rather than purely economic,
considerations. There was a widespread belief in Germany, as well as
elsewhere in Europe, that the Imperial Foreign Office nurtured the
Bagdad Railway and its affiliated enterprises with a full realization
that “the skirmishes of the political advance guard are fought on
financial ground, although the selection of the time and the enemy, as
well as the manner in which these skirmishes are to be fought, depends
upon those responsible for our foreign policy. Much more than ever
before Germans will have to bear in mind that industrial contracts,
commercial enterprises, and capital investments are conveying from
one country to another not only capital and labor, but also political
influence.”[4]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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