By such devices the second chamber representing property interests as such will have been given only a properly limited veto power upon legislation. At the same time, as a second chamber, it will have power to approve that which passes the popular house and to enter into compromises respecting it. The second chamber can undertake a popular defense of its action. These are important privileges. They aid in the production of laws which are fair to all. On the other hand, the second chamber is equally clearly cut off from ever gaining any ascendancy over that branch of the legislature which represents and is sensitive to the popular will. We may, however, in the establishment of a second chamber representing property interests proceed with still greater indirectness and the utmost caution along a path on which we are already started. Our highest state judicial tribunal is already possessed of a substantial veto upon legislation in the interests of property by reason of its power to declare acts of the legislature void because they take property “without due process of law.” There are few, if any, constitutions today in the United States which do not contain other prohibitions upon the legislature under which acts may be declared unconstitutional in the interests of property. The courts have already gone beyond the mere academic function of declaring acts of the legislature void only when they are utterly irrational and arbitrary in their discriminatory operation. The courts now boldly perform the function of protecting property from hasty, ill-advised, and unjust legislation. Heretofore, at least, public opinion has sustained the courts in the exercise of this function. The placing of this power in the hands of judges has insured its exercise by men who at least are not prejudiced against property and are inclined to give it a fair hearing. Judges must be selected from among lawyers, and hence must be men of some education and intellectual attainments. Since the main business of judges is to decide litigated cases arising between individuals, there is very naturally a demand that judges be selected from among the leaders at the bar. This means that there is a constant and legitimate pressure in favor of the selection of men who will naturally give property as full protection as the power of the court will permit. Even lawyers of only fair success and ability in fifteen or twenty years of practice will acquire the property point of view. Practically all lawyers live in an atmosphere of enforcement of property interests. They cannot avoid being educated to see the unfairness of legislation which affects unfavorably property interests. It is not improbable that among those who secure seats in the highest court some will regard themselves as specially appointed to stand between property and the proletariat, and will do so with great determination, vigor, and judicial independence. Once selected, the