The man who said that was not more contemptuous of us than are the plutocrats who rule and rob us now. But perhaps what he said is the truth. They manage to keep us divided, about half and half, in the bloodless battle of ballots; perhaps, if it came to shooting they could divide us the same way. [Illustration: “He Certainly Was Good To Me.” New York _American_] A Survey of the World By Tom Dolan Congress Reassembles—The President’s Message The attention of the sixty-first Congress was naturally given first to the President’s annual document, which this year lost none of its usual length. In its entirety it is a plea for centralization of governmental authority in “the administration,” alleging that the nation cannot be “in peril from any man who derives authority from the people and who is from time to time compelled to give an account of its exercise to the people.” Mr. Roosevelt should know, and does know, however, that under our present manner of electing executives “the people” are as a mass too indifferent, or too ignorant, to demand such an accounting and until election by popular vote is incorporated as a principle of proceeding, he is virtually suggesting a monarchy, upheld by a special caste consisting of the holders of Federal office and the recipients of Administrative favor. For the control of the trusts, he offers nothing new—nothing that he has not already woven into the fabric of “my policies.” He denounces the Sherman law, and believes in regulation and control by strong central authority. On the question of the currency, he was pathetically weak and eagerly willing to leave it to his monetary commission to “propose a thoroughly good system which will do away with the existing defects,” and very guardedly admits that there was a “monetary disturbance in the fall of 1907 which immensely increased the difficulty of ordinary relief.” On the labor question—a matter upon which Hamiltonians may much more safely grow expansive than those of finance—Mr. Roosevelt declared against child labor, for diminution of work on the part of women, and a general shortening of the hours of labor and for an inheritance tax that would help to equalize the burden of taxation which now falls so heavily upon those least able to bear it. He commended highly the intelligence of the labor vote, which refused to be “swung” as a unit for any candidate and took occasion to pay his respects to Mr. Taft as an ideal Judge. On protection to workingmen, Mr. Roosevelt displayed a sympathetic attitude which does him much credit. “When a workman is injured, he needs not an expensive and dreadful lawsuit, but the certainty of relief through immediate administrative action. No academic theory about ‘freedom of contract’ should be permitted to interfere with this movement.” He urged Congress to pass without delay an Employers’ Liability Law, which should serve as a model, covering the District of Columbia.