What Germany Thinks; Or, The War as Germans see it — John Shaqi
What Germany Thinks; Or, The War as Germans see itSmith, Thomas F. A.
History
What Germany Thinks; Or, The War as Germans see it
Smith, Thomas F. A.
World War, 1914-1918
"The confusion in the minds of the masses caused by the Government's
indecision increases from minute to minute; indescribable scenes are
witnessed before the General Post Office. It is alleged that thousands
and thousands of telegrams have arrived from Russia, begging the members
of Serbia's royal family not to give way to Austria. It may easily be
possible that the Russian telegrams all emanate from one person and have
been forged, in order to counteract the disposition to yield on the part
of the royal family. Without doubt both the King and Crown Prince have
lost all personal influence on the final decision. They are being slowly
carried along by the conflagration-party which obtained the upper hand
soon after four o'clock."[3]
[Footnote 3: _München-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, July 28th.]
This picture gives no support to Germany's accusation that Russia had
stiffened Serbia into resisting Austria's unacceptable demands. It
rather leads one to consider that an action which drives a weak nation
to arrive at a decision on so awful an issue in so short a time, is an
action discreditable to a stronger, and impossible on the part of a
morally great, power. If Serbia chose wrongly in refusing to bite the
dust, then the guilt is still chargeable to Austria for forcing her
little neighbour to take a choice in haste. Sir Edward Grey emphasized
in his speech of July 27th the shortness of the time which all the
Powers had had at their disposal to formulate a plan, by which the
conflict could be restricted to the East, or amicably settled.
The leaders of the Germanic States had purposely willed it so. Several
unsuccessful attempts had been made to break up the Triple Entente, the
only barrier to the Germanization, _i.e._, Prussianization, of Europe,
and in the tragedy of Serajewo the Central Powers (or, at least, the
dominating factor of the two) believed they had found a lever with which
to break down the opposition by diplomacy. If that failed an immediate
appeal to the sword should follow. The diplomatic forty-eight hours'
_coup-de-main_ failed, and the programme contained no other item except
war. In a few words this means that the dastardly crime of Princip and
his fellow conspirators was exploited by Germany, acting through
Austria, to disturb the European balance of power under the guise of a
just vengeance.
Sir Edward Grey formulated and circulated his conference proposal on the
next day, July 26th. Some persons to whom I spoke at the time welcomed
the idea; they belonged principally to the lower middle classes. One
well-known Pan-Germanist (Dr. Beckmann, professor of history in Erlangen
University) said that the proposal was an admission of a diplomatic
defeat and a sign that the Entente Powers were afraid to draw the sword.
If the three Powers in question were prepared to pocket this smack in
the face, then Germany would be satisfied, because such a defeat would
mean that the Triple Entente would never be able to work together again.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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