William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of SlaveryTuckerman, Bayard
History
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of Slavery
Tuckerman, Bayard
Antislavery movements -- United States; Jay, William, 1789-1858; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
And the fact continued that a coloured citizen of a free State could be
sold into slavery if found in Washington. Convinced that no reform could
be expected except by the total abolition of slavery on United States
territory, convinced, too, that this was the first necessary step in a
campaign against slavery itself, Jay set on foot a movement for popular
petitions to Congress and for legislative expression in behalf of their
consideration. The Pennsylvania Legislature passed such resolutions in
January, 1829; the New York Assembly followed soon afterwards, when Jay
wrote to his friend Charles Miner: "The mail this evening brings the
news that resolutions instructing our representatives in Congress to
vote for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia have
passed our Assembly by a vote of 57 to 39. In the fulness of my heart I
thank God and take courage." Among his co-workers at this time was Henry
D. Sedgwick, to whom he wrote in 1831: "I have read your pamphlet with
much interest; your ideas on the abolition of slavery correspond with
those I have long entertained and expressed. Duty is the only safe rule
of expediency. No nation ever has suffered, and none ever will, for
doing justice and loving mercy. But moral considerations apart, I have
no doubt it would be wise policy in the Southern States immediately to
emancipate their slaves. The period must arrive when slavery must cease
on this continent. The progress of knowledge and religion, the example
of St. Domingo, the abolition of slavery in Mexico and South America,
the decreasing value of slave labour, and the rapidly augmenting
coloured population in the South, all combine in rendering this event
inevitable. But the slaves will either receive their freedom as a boon,
or they will wrest it by force from their masters; and the evils
attending these two modes of emancipation certainly bear no proportion
to each other. You remark, 'Our country fought for justice and should
be ready to render the justice which it demanded.' I observe a similar
sentiment in a letter written by my father from Spain to Judge Benson
during the contest to which you allude. Speaking of the abolition of
slavery, he says, 'Till America comes into this measure her prayers to
Heaven for liberty will be impious.' This is a strong expression, but it
is just. Were I in your Legislature I would prepare a bill for the
purpose with great care, and would never cease moving it till it became
a law or I ceased to be a member. I believe that God governs the world,
and I believe it to be a maxim in His Court, as in ours, that those who
ask for equity ought to do it. I do not think the free States guiltless
of upholding slavery while, through their representatives, they tolerate
it in the District of Columbia. Were the free States to will it, slavery
would cease at the capital of the republic, and an example would be set
that could not fail of having a salutary influence."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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