William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of SlaveryTuckerman, Bayard
History
William Jay and the Constitutional Movement for the Abolition of Slavery
Tuckerman, Bayard
Antislavery movements -- United States; Jay, William, 1789-1858; United States -- Politics and government -- 1815-1861
The Compromise measures of 1850 were repulsive and disheartening to the
antislavery men in the North. And no circumstance connected with them
was more discouraging than the change of front made by Daniel
Webster--his abandonment of the Wilmot Proviso and his concession to the
Southern demand for the extension of slavery into the new territory
acquired by the Mexican War. Webster's speech of the 7th of March was
answered by Judge Jay in a letter to the _Evening Post_ of March 20th,
and was afterwards published as a pamphlet and widely circulated. In
this letter Jay recalled the eloquent and positive declaration of
Webster made in the Senate on August 10, 1848, after New Mexico and
California had been acquired:
"My opposition to the increase of slavery in this country, or to the
increase of slave representation, is general and universal. It has
no reference to the lines of latitude or points of the compass. I
shall oppose all such extension at all times and under all
circumstances, even against all inducements, against all supposed
limitation of great interests, against all combinations, against all
compromises."
These words were contrasted by Jay with Webster's present excuse for
abandoning opposition to the extension of slavery on the ground that the
laws of "physical geography" made slavery impossible in the new
territory and to forbid its existence there was merely "to re-enact the
will of God."
"To what," asked Jay, "did this solemn, emphatic, unqualified
asservation refer? Did he then know that there was a foot of
territory in the United States over which it was morally and
physically impossible to extend slavery? Was he promising in these
impressive terms to oppose what he was conscious would never be
attempted? Did he make this pledge before his country with a mental
reservation to unite hereafter with General Cass and the
slaveholders in denouncing and scorning the Proviso? Did he mean to
deceive his own party? Did he desire to keep up an angry agitation
throughout the nation for electioneering purposes, and did he thus
intimate his belief in the danger of the extension of slavery and
slave representation, when he well knew that the fiat of the
Almighty had rendered such extension impossible? Was he then
acquainted with the law of physical geography which would render the
Proviso 'a re-enactment of the will of God?' And did he purposely
conceal the secret of this law in his own breast, when by revealing
it he might have stilled the raging billows of popular passion which
threatened to ingulf the Union? To suppose all this would be to
impute to Mr. Webster a degree of trickery and turpitude rarely
paralleled even among politicians. Hence we are bound to assume that
the law of nature on which he _now_ relies is a recent discovery,
subsequent at least to the 10th August, 1848. It is, however,
extraordinary that a gentleman of his acquirements did not sooner
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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