Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost AdvocatesJohnson, Helen Kendrick
History
Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost Advocates
Johnson, Helen Kendrick
Women -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
That no inequality should be possible when this idea should really rest
upon the most primitive, rudimentary and yet continuing and controlling
attribute, instead of upon complex contradictions in regard to the
distribution of sovereign human power, God, speaking through the ideal
which the moral man had grasped, said: "Therefore shall a man leave his
father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they twain
shall be one flesh."
Man is not the hereditary sovereign in a republic. He is an actual,
present, continuing sovereign, and he is that only so long as he obeys the
law of his being and constitutes himself, by reason of his manhood
strength, the defence of the republic's laws for all. In woman suffrage
democracy has met a most dangerous foe. It has been asked "If it would be
best for man to make over half his sovereignty to woman?" I cannot imagine
how he could do this, whatever might be his wish. Sovereignty in a
republic is only divisible among those who are equals as to sovereign
power; and any effort to divide with those who lack the essential
attribute must result in despotism or anarchy. Men are as subject to the
restrictions and requirements of sex as are women, and when they try an
experiment contrary to those conditions, the end must be destruction of
government itself.
Prof. Goldwin Smith says: "One of the features of a revolutionary era is
the prevalence of a feeble facility of abdication. The holders of power,
however natural and legitimate it may be, are too ready to resign it on
the first demand.... The nerves of authority are shaken by the failure of
conviction."
This is true, and it is what makes the present situation portentous. From
the very tenderheartedness of the men of our time comes the danger to the
women of this nation. So far from desiring to hold the slightest
restriction over the women of the Republic, they may rush into an attempt
at abdication of a sovereignty that did not originate in their will but in
their environment, in order to prove the sincerity of their desire that
woman should not even appear to be compelled to obey.
This movement is a feature of the revolutionary era that seems suddenly to
have extended to the men with whose theories it belongs. Not at once, nor
everywhere equally, but finally and completely would this change come.
Man, as well as woman, must "consent to be governed" by the laws of being.
If man really could "share his sovereignty," there might be some show of
reason in the Suffrage claim that he should do so. But unless he can
abdicate the very essentials of his sex condition, he cannot abdicate his
sovereignty. His laws are dead letters whenever more men than those who
passed them and approve them choose that they shall be dead. He would have
no material outside the men in this country, with which to execute the
wishes of the woman voters whom it is proposed to introduce to make laws
which they know they cannot themselves enforce.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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