Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost AdvocatesJohnson, Helen Kendrick
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Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost Advocates
Johnson, Helen Kendrick
Women -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
And this leads us right round again to consider the "disabilities foisted
upon sex conditions." The first thing demanded of a voter is that, in the
ordinary state of things, he should be able to vote. A body of citizens is
asking that a sex be admitted to franchise when it is known to all that a
large part of that sex would at every election find it physically
impossible, or improper, to go to the polls. Suffragists say: "No women
need vote who do not wish to; but they have no right to hinder us." Is
this the Individualism of Democracy? It is the Individualism of Anarchy.
It is not the rule of the majority. It is class rule with a vengeance; and
as for "consenting to be governed," there never was a man or a government
that so coolly assumed to govern without their consent such a body, as do
the Suffragists. The disabilities "foisted upon sex" would be felt first
of all by the wives and mothers who are most interested in the laws.
The next duty of citizenship is jury service. The leaders said: "We
demand, in criminal cases, that most sacred of all rights, trial by jury
of our own peers." In regard to jury duty Suffragists are not agreed;
which fact alone shows that that service would be felt to be an impairment
of sex conditions. So impossible has jury duty been found, even in small
communities, that in Wyoming the jury service of women ceased with the
first judge who admitted them to serve at all; and in Colorado but one or
two women have ever served. The judges there do not allow them to be
called. It was found to be expensive, and not promotive of the ends of
justice. Whether this is held to be man's cruel withholding of woman's
rights or not, it shows that either the sex condition or the co-
extensiveness of woman's work with man's must be impaired. Dr. Jacobi says
in regard to jury service: "The numerous cases for exemption now admitted
for men would be certainly paralleled for women, but they would not always
be identical. Men are now more often excused for business; women would be
excused on the plea of ill-health. Of course the special plea of family
cares with young children would rule out thousands of women during a
number of years of their lives."
Who would establish the "special plea" for so large a proportion of the
voting population? No law of justice on which a solid government can rest
could do it; and that it would be asked, and needed, shows that sex
conditions would interfere with voting conditions. A criminal case often
lasts weeks, even months, during which time the jury are kept together and
alone, locked up at night, and walked out by day. This second duty cannot
be, and is not, performed; not because many women would not make good
jurors, not because they should not try delicate cases, and might not
serve well at certain times, and in special ways, but because jury duty,
like military service, cannot take account of sex conditions when they are
the rule and not the exception.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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