Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost AdvocatesJohnson, Helen Kendrick
History
Woman and the Republic: A Survey of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in the United States and a Discussion of the Claims and Arguments of Its Foremost Advocates
Johnson, Helen Kendrick
Women -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Women -- Suffrage -- United States
But, it might be said, "Utah did insert such a clause into her
constitution, and so could other States. It is, after all, common sense
that rules, and men can legislate what they please." The law passed by
Utah, which provided that "male voters must be tax-payers, while female
voters need not be," was decided to be unconstitutional, and this one also
may well be. At the end of Utah's Constitution, as of every other, and of
every bill that is passed, occurs or is understood something like this
sentence from the United States Constitution: "The Congress shall have
power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Is it the
"appropriate legislation" that gives to Congress, or to any other body,
the power to enforce the article decided upon by a majority? We know that
it is not. It is the men who can enforce it if it is disobeyed. Every day
we see that some laws are "dead letters," not because the legislation
appropriate to their enforcement was not perfect, but because they are not
enforced. When Mr. Roosevelt became Chairman of the Police Commission
there had been for some time a bill, duly legislated, for the enforcement
of the Sunday closing of liquor saloons in New York city. But the saloons
had not been closed. Mr. Roosevelt summoned the police, and proceeded to
enforce the law. If they had refused, the militia stood behind them. Do
you say, "Very well, if Miss Willard had been Chairman of the
Commissioners she could have done the same." There would have been this
great difference. Mr. Roosevelt himself was as much subject to serve at
the call of the law, as were the policemen. He was not a dictator merely,
he was part and parcel of the strength that he invoked. The reason for
obedience rested on the same ground in each case--service in which each
stood equal. It is a specious form of mistake to suppose that "men can
legislate just what they wish to." They can legislate only what the
majority decrees, and they can legislate effectively only what they have
power to enforce. Had the saloon-keepers refused to obey Miss Willard, not
she, but Mr. Roosevelt and other men would have had to enforce the law.
It is absurd in itself, and annoying to Suffrage advocates, to talk about
military duty for woman. Her very nature forbids it. So it is, and so it
does, and therefore it is equally absurd to talk about her attempting to
assume duties whose very nature forbids their being done by her. Were
voting only a matter of obtaining the _opinion_ of women on matters that
concern the country, or concern them (and all matters that concern the
country concern them), all precedent gathered from the treatment of
American women by American men goes to prove that no urging would have
been required to secure for them as large a measure of suffrage as was
consistent with their duties and their desires.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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