Women's Suffrage: A Short History of a Great Movement — John Shaqi
Women's Suffrage: A Short History of a Great MovementFawcett, Millicent Garrett, Dame
Philosophy
Women's Suffrage: A Short History of a Great Movement
Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, Dame
Women -- Suffrage -- Great Britain
Mr. Gladstone said of the House of Lords when they opposed the Reform
Bill of 1884 that they "lived in a balloon," unconscious of what was
happening among the dim common populations living on the earth. The
same criticism is applicable to the anti-suffragists. They opened the
year 1911 in their _Review_ by saying that they looked "forward with
complete confidence to the work of saving women from the immeasurable
injury of having their sex brought into the conflict of political
life." This was immediately after the election of December 1910,
during which Mrs. Humphry Ward had taken an active personal share in
her son's electoral contest in West Hertfordshire; and during which a
large number of Unionist candidates and others had had the offer from
her publishers of her _Letters to my Friends and Neighbours_, written
anew for the second election of 1910, price 3d. each or 1000 copies
for £5. No suffragist blames Mrs. Humphry Ward for her active interest
in politics. Whether people like it or not, women are taking part in
active political work; but to talk of "the immeasurable injury of
bringing their sex into the conflict of political life," and at the
same time to profit by the political knowledge and enthusiasm of women
is a practical absurdity. All parties are alike in getting as much work
as possible during an election out of the women who sympathise with
them.
To encourage the political activity of women and at the same time
talk about "protecting women from the immeasurable injury of having
their sex brought into the conflict of political life," helps one
to understand why Frenchmen say that the English are a nation of
hypocrites.
Some eminent anti-suffragists attacked the Insurance Bill (1911) on the
ground that it is "cruelly unfair" to women; others, including some of
their most distinguished women, but no men, sent to the Prime Minister
in July a carefully worded and powerfully reasoned letter explaining
in detail the points in which they felt that the Bill did less than
justice to women. Space does not permit a detailed examination of the
points raised in this excellent letter, but one sentence in it must be
given, for it contains within itself the gist of the case for women's
suffrage:--
"We would strongly urge that instead of meeting these and similar
cases by amending the Bill in the way which was promised by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer on July 10th, _it would be preferable
to substitute the insurance which is needed for that which is not
needed_."
The unrepresented are always liable to be given what they do not
need rather than what they do need. This, in one sentence, forms the
strength of the case for women's suffrage. However benevolent men may
be in their intentions, they cannot know what women want and what suits
the necessities of women's lives as well as women know these things
themselves.
CHAPTER VI
THE MILITANT SOCIETIES
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