1. To him, therefore, God granted, from heaven above, the deserved fruit of piety, the trophies of victory over the impious, and he cast the guilty one with all his counselors and friends prostrate at the feet of Constantine.
2. For when Licinius carried his madness to the last extreme, the emperor, the friend of God, thinking that he ought no longer to be tolerated, acting upon the basis of sound judgment, and mingling the firm principles of justice with humanity, gladly determined to come to the protection of those who were oppressed by the tyrant, and undertook, by putting a few destroyers out of the way, to save the greater part of the human race.
3. For when he had formerly exercised humanity alone and had shown mercy to him who was not worthy of sympathy, nothing was accomplished; for Licinius did not renounce his wickedness, but rather increased his fury against the peoples that were subject to him, and there was left to the afflicted no hope of salvation, oppressed as they were by a savage beast.
4. Wherefore, the protector of the virtuous, mingling hatred for evil with love for good, went forth with his son Crispus, a most beneficent prince, and extended a saving right hand to all that were perishing. Both of them, father and son, under the protection, as it were, of God, the universal King, with the Son of God, the Saviour of all, as their leader and ally, drew up their forces on all sides against the enemies of the Deity and won an easy victory; God having prospered them in the battle in all respects according to their wish.
5. Thus, suddenly, and sooner than can be told, those who yesterday and the day before breathed death and threatening were no more, and not even their names were remembered, but their inscriptions and their honors suffered the merited disgrace. And the things which Licinius with his own eyes had seen come upon the former impious tyrants he himself likewise suffered, because he did not receive instruction nor learn wisdom from the chastisements of his neighbors, but followed the same path of impiety which they had trod, and was justly hurled over the same precipice. Thus he lay prostrate.
6. But Constantine, the mightiest victor, adorned with every virtue of piety, together with his son Crispus, a most God-beloved prince, and in all respects like his father, recovered the East which belonged to them; and they formed one united Roman empire as of old, bringing under their peaceful sway the whole world from the rising of the sun to the opposite quarter, both north and south, even to the extremities of the declining day.
7. All fear therefore of those who had formerly afflicted them was taken away from men, and they celebrated splendid and festive days. Everything was filled with light, and those who before were downcast beheld each other with smiling faces and beaming eyes. With dances and hymns, in city and country, they glorified first of all God the universal King, because they had been thus taught, and then the pious emperor with his God-beloved children.
8. There was oblivion of past evils and forgetfulness of every deed of impiety; there was enjoyment of present benefits and expectation of those yet to come. Edicts full of clemency and laws containing tokens of benevolence and true piety were issued in every place by the victorious emperor.
9. Thus after all tyranny had been purged away, the empire which belonged to them was preserved firm and without a rival for Constantine and his sons alone. And having obliterated the godlessness of their predecessors, recognizing the benefits conferred upon them by God, they exhibited their love of virtue and their love of God, and their piety and gratitude to the Deity, by the deeds which they performed in the sight of all men. The end, with God's help, of the Tenth Book of the Church History of Eusebius Pamphili.
1. On the latter and on Origen's other epistles, see chap. 36, note 7. Finally must be mentioned the Philocalia (Lommatzsch, XXV. p. 1-278), a collection of judiciously selected extracts from Origen's works in twenty-seven books. Its compilers were Gregory Nazianzen and Basil. The principal edition of Origen's works is that of the Benedictine Delarue in 4 vols. fol.; reprinted by Migne in 8 vols. 8vo. A convenient edition is that of Lommatzsch, in 25 vols. small 8vo., a revision of Delarue's. Only his De principiis, Contra Cels., and the epistles to Africanus and to Gregory have been translated into English, and are given in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV. p. 221 sqq. Of lives of Origen must be mentioned that of Huetius: Origeniana (Paris, 1679, in 2 vols.; reprinted in Delarue and Lommatzsch); also Redepenning's Origenes. Eine Darstellung seines Lebens und seiner Lehre (Bonn, 1841 and 1846, in 2 vols.). The respective sections in Lardner and Tillemont should be compared, and the thorough article of Westcott in the Dict. of Christ. Biog. IV. 96-142. For a good list of the literature on Origen, see Schaff, Ch. Hist. II. p. 785.
On Bk. VI. chap. 8, § 5 (note 4). Origen and Demetrius. The friendship of Demetrius for Origen began early and continued, apparently without interruption, for many years. In 203 he committed to him the charge of the catechetical school (chap. 3); in the present chapter we find him encouraging him after learning of his rash deed; some years afterward, upon Origen's return from a visit to Rome, where his fame as a teacher had already become very great, Demetrius still showed the very best spirit toward him (chap. 14); and a little later sent him into Arabia to give instruction to an officer in that country (chap. 19). It is soon after this that the first sign of a difference between the two men appears, upon the occasion of Origen's preaching in Cæsarea (ibid.). There seems, however, to have been no lasting quarrel, if there was any quarrel at all; for in 231 we find Demetrius giving Origen letters of recommendation upon the occasion of his visit to Achaia (see below, p. 396). The fact that he gives him these letters, thus recognizing him as a member of his church in good standing, and sending him upon his important mission with his official approval, shows that no open break between himself and Origen can as yet have taken place. But in his commentary on John (Tom. VI. præf.) Origen shows us that his last years in Alexandria were by no means pleasant ones. He compares his troubles there to the waves of a stormy sea, and his final departure to the exodus of the children of Israel. We know that he had been engaged for some time in writing commentaries, and that the first five books of his commentary on John--epoch-making in their significance, and sure to cause a sensation in orthodox, conservative circles--had recently appeared. We know that his reputation for heterodoxy was already quite widespread and that the majority of the Egyptian clergy were by no means upon his side. The trials to which he refers, therefore, may well have been a result of this hostility to his teachings existing among the clergy about him, and Demetrius may have shared to an extent in the common feeling. At the same time his disapproval cannot have been very pronounced, or he could not have given his official sanction to Origen's important visit to Achaia. But now, things being in this condition, Origen set out upon his mission, leaving Heraclas in charge of his school, and undoubtedly with the expectation of returning again, for he left the unfinished sixth book of his commentary on John behind him (see preface to the sixth book). He stopped in Palestine on his way to Athens, and there was ordained a presbyter by the bishops of that country (upon the motives which prompted him in the matter, see below, p. 397). The result was a complete break between Demetrius and himself, and his condemnation by an Alexandrian synod. To understand Demetrius' action in the matter, we must remember that both Eusebius and Jerome attribute the change in his attitude to jealousy of Origen. They may be too harsh in their judgment, and yet it is certainly not at all unnatural that the growing power and fame of his young catechumen should in time affect, all unconsciously, his attitude toward him. But we must not do Demetrius an injustice. There is no sign that his jealousy led him to attack Origen, or to seek to undermine his influence, and we have no right to accuse him, without ground, of such unchristian conduct. At the same time, while he remained, as he supposed, an honest friend of Origen's, the least feeling of jealousy (and it would have been remarkable had he never felt the least) would make him more suspicious of the latter's conduct, and more prone to notice in his actions anything which might be interpreted as an infringement of his own prerogatives, or a disregard of the full respect due him. We seem to see a sign of this over-sensitiveness (most natural under the circumstances) in his severe disapproval of Origen's preaching in Cæsarea, which surprised the Palestinian bishops, but which is not surprising when we realize that Demetrius might so easily construe it as a token of growing disrespect for his authority on the part of his rising young school principal. It is plain enough, if he was in this state of mind, that he might in all sincerity have given letters of recommendation to Origen and have wished him God speed upon his mission, and yet that the news of his ordination to the presbyterate by foreign bishops, without his own approval or consent, and indeed in opposition to his own principles and to ecclesiastical law, should at once arouse his ire, and, by giving occasion for what seemed righteous indignation, open the floodgates for all the smothered jealousy of years. In such a temper of mind he could not do otherwise than listen willingly to all the accusations of heresy against Origen, which were no doubt busily circulated in his absence, and it was inevitable that he should believe it his duty to take decided steps against a man who was a heretic, and at the same time showed complete disregard of the rules and customs of the Church, and of the rights of his bishop. The result was the definitive and final exclusion of Origen from communion with the Alexandrian church, and his degradation from the office of presbyter by decree of the Alexandrian synods described above, p. 392 sq. The two grounds of the sentence passed by these synods were plainly his irregular ordination to the priesthood when constitutionally unfit for it (cf. what Eusebius says in this chapter), and his heterodoxy (cf. e.g. the synodical epistle of the Egyptian bishops given in Mansi's Collect. Concil. IX. col. 524, and also Jerome's epistle ad Pammachium et Oceanum, § 10, and Rufinus' Apologi in Hieron. II. 21). That the ordination to the priesthood of one who had mutilated himself was not universally considered uncanonical in the time of Origen is proved by the fact that the Palestinian bishops (whom Origen cannot have allowed to remain ignorant of his condition) all united in ordaining him. But the very fact that they all united (which has perplexed some scholars) leads us to think that they realized that their action was somewhat irregular, and hence wished to give it sanction by the participation of a number of bishops. The first canon of the Council of Nicæa forbids such ordination, and the canon is doubtless but the repetition of an older one (cf. Apost. Canons, 21 to 24, and see Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 377), and yet Origen's consent to his ordination makes it improbable that there was in force in his time, even in Alexandria, a canon placing absolute and unconditional clerical disabilities upon such as he. That the action, however, was considered at least irregular in Alexandria, is proved by the position taken in the matter by Demetrius; and the fact that he made so much of it leads us to believe that the synod, called by him, may now have made canon law of what was before only custom, and may have condemned Origen for violating that custom which they considered as binding as law. Certainly had there been no such custom, and had it not seemed to Demetrius absolutely binding, he would have ordained Origen to the priesthood long before. His ordination in Palestine was in violation of what was known to be Demetrius' own principle, and the principle of the Alexandrian church, even if the principle was not, until this time or later, formulated into a canon.
On Bk. VI. chap. 12, § 6. Since this passage was printed, I have seen Westcott's translation of this fragment of Serapion's epistle in his Canon of the New Testament, 5th ed. p. 390 sq. (cf. especially p. 391, note), and am glad to note that his rendering of the words katarxamenon autou is the same as my own. His interpretation of one or two other points I am unable to adopt.
On Bk. VI. chap. 23, § 4 (note 6). Origen's Visit to Achaia. Eusebius gives as the cause of Origen's visit to Greece simply "a pressing necessity in connection with ecclesiastical affairs," but Jerome (de vir. ill. c. 54) tells us that it was on account of heresies which were troubling the churches of Achaia (propter ecclesias Achaiæ, quæ pluribus hæresibus vexabantur). Photius (Cod. 118) reports that Origen went to Athens without the consent of Demetrius (choris tes tou oikeiou gnomes episkopou), but this must be regarded as a mistake (caused perhaps by his knowledge that it was Origen's ordination, which took place during this trip, that caused Demetrius' anger; for Photius does not say that this statement rests upon the authority of Pamphilus, but prefaces his whole account with the words ho te P?mphilos m?rtus kai heteroi pleistoi), for Jerome (de vir. ill. c. 54) says that Origen went to Athens by way of Palestine sub testimonio ecclesiasticæ epistolæ, and in chap. 62 he says that Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem wrote an epistle in which he stated that he had ordained Origen juxta testimonium Demetrii. We must therefore assume that Origen left Alexandria for Athens with Demetrius' approval, and with letters of recommendation from him. It is the common opinion that Origen left Alexandria this time about 228 a.d., and after his visit in Achaia returned to Alexandria, where he remained until excommunicated by the council called by Demetrius. Upon searching the sources, however, I can find absolutely no authority for the statement that he returned to Alexandria after his visit to Achaia; in fact, that he did seems by most scholars simply to be taken for granted without further investigation. The opinion apparently rests upon the interpretation of two passages, one in a report of the proceedings of the Alexandrian synod taken by Photius from Pamphilus' Apology, the other in the preface to the sixth book of Origen's commentary on the Gospel of John. In the former it is said that the synod voted to exile Origen from Alexandria, and forbade him to reside or to teach there (psephizetai metastenai men apo 'Alexandreias ton 'Origenen, kai mete diatribein en aute, mete did?skein). But certainly such a decree is far from proving that Origen, at the time it was passed, was actually in Alexandria. It simply shows that he still regarded that city as his residence, and was supposed to be expecting to return to it after his visit was completed. In the preface to the sixth book of his commentary on John's Gospel, he speaks of the troubles and trials which he had been enduring in Alexandria before he finally left the city, and compares that departure to the exodus of the children of Israel. But certainly it is just as easy to refer these troubles to the time before his visit to Achaia, a time when in all probability the early books of his commentary on John, as well as others of his writings, had begun to excite the hostility of the Alexandrian clergy, and thus made his residence there uncomfortable. It is almost necessary to assume that this hostility had arisen some time before the synods were held, in order to account both for the hostility of the majority of the clergy, which cannot have been so seriously aroused in an instant, and also for the change in Demetrius' attitude, which must have found a partial cause in the already existing hostility of the clergy to Origen, hostility which led them to urge him on to take decisive steps against Origen when the fitting occasion for action came in the ordination of the latter (see above, p. 395). The only arguments which, so far as I am able to learn, have been or can be urged for Origen's return to Alexandria are thus shown to prove nothing. On the other hand, it is a fact that Origen was ordained on his way to Achaia, and then went on and did his business there, and it is difficult to imagine that Demetrius and the Alexandrian church would have waited so long before taking action in regard to this step, which appeared to them so serious. More than that, Origen reports that he had begun the sixth book of his commentary on John in Alexandria, but had left it there, and therefore began it anew in Palestine. It is difficult to imagine that his departure was so hasty that he could not take even his mss. with him; but if he left only for his visit to Achaia, expecting to return again, he would of course leave his mss. behind him, and when his temporary absence was changed by the synod into permanent exile, he might not have been in a position, or might not have cared, to send back for the unfinished work. Still further, it does not seem probable that, if he were leaving Alexandria an exile under the condemnation of the church, and in such haste as the leaving of his unfinished commentary would imply, he should be in a position to entrust the care of his catechetical school to his assistant Heraclas (as he is said in chap. 26 to have done). That matter would rather have been taken out of his hands by Demetrius and the rest of the clergy. But going away merely on a visit, he would of course leave the school in Heraclas' charge, and after his condemnation the clergy might see that Heraclas was the man for the place, and leave him undisturbed in it. After having, upon the grounds mentioned, reached the conclusion, shared so far as I knew by no one else, that it is at least unlikely that Origen returned to Alexandria after his visit to Greece, I was pleased to find my position strengthened by some chronological considerations urged by Lipsius (Chronologie d. röm. Bischöfe, p. 195, note), who says that "we do not know whether Origen ever returned to Alexandria after his ordination," and who seems to think it probable that he did not. He shows that Pontianus did not become bishop of Rome until 230, and therefore, if Eusebius is correct in putting Origen's visit to Achaia in the time of Pontianus' episcopate, as he does in this passage, that visit cannot have taken place before 230 (the commonly accepted date, which rests upon a false chronology of Pontianus' episcopate, is 228); while on the other hand, according to chap. 26, Origen's final departure from Alexandria took place in the tenth year of Alexander's reign (231 a.d.), shortly before Demetrius' death, which occurred not later than 232 (see Bk. V. chap. 22, note 4). Supposing, then, that Origen returned to Alexandria, we must assume his journey to Palestine, his ordination there, his visit to Achaia and settlement of the disputes there, his return to Alexandria, the composition of at least some part of his commentary on John, the calling of a synod, his condemnation and exile,--all within the space of about a year. These chronological considerations certainly increase the improbability of Origen's return to Alexandria. (It may be remarked that Redepenning, who accepts the commonly received chronology, assigns two years to the Cæsarean and Achaian visit.) Assuming, then, that this departure for Achaia is identical with that mentioned in chap. 26, we put it in the year 231. It must have been (as of course we should expect, for he stopped in Palestine only on his way to Achaia) very soon after his departure that Origen's ordination took place; and the synod must have been called very soon after that event (as we should likewise expect), for Demetrius died the following year. As to the cause of Origen's ordination, it is quite possible, as Redepenning suggests, that when he went a second time to Palestine, his old friends, the bishops of Cæsarea, of Jerusalem, and of other cities, wished to hear him preach again, but that remembering the reproof of the bishop Demetrius, called forth by his preaching on the former occasion (see chap. 19), he refused, and that then the Palestinian bishops, in order to obviate that difficulty, insisted on ordaining him. It is not impossible that Origen, who seems never to have been a stickler for the exact observance of minor ecclesiastical rules and formalities, supposed that Demetrius, who had shown himself friendly in the past, and not hostile to him because of his youthful imprudence (see chap. 8), would concur willingly in an ordination performed by such eminent bishops, and an ordination which would prove of such assistance to Origen in the accomplishment of the work in Achaia which he was undertaking with the approval of Demetrius himself, even though the latter could not bring himself to violate what he considered an ecclesiastical canon against the ordination of eunuchs. We can thus best explain Origen's consent to the step which, when we consider his general character, it is difficult to suppose he would have taken in conscious opposition to the will of his bishop. (On Demetrius' view of the matter, see above, p. 394 sq.) He was ordained, according to Jerome's de vir. ill. c. 54 (cf. also chap. 8, above), by Theoctistus, bishop of Cæsarea, and Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, together with "the most distinguished bishops of Palestine" (as Eusebius says in chap. 8).
On Bk. VII. chap. 25, § 11. For in the reputed second or third Epistle of John, read in the extant second and third Epistles of John (en te deutera pheromene 'Io?nnou kai trite).
On Bk. VII. chap. 26, § 1 (note 4, continued). On Dionysius' attitude toward Sabellianism and the occasion of the Apology (?lenchos kai apologia) in four books, which he addressed to Dionysius of Rome, see Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 1. This work is no longer extant, but brief fragments of it have been preserved by Athanasius (in his De Sent. Dionysii) and by Basil ( in his De Spir. Sancto). English translation in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VI. p. 92 sq. The longer work was preceded by a shorter one, now lost, to which reference is made in one of the fragments of the longer work. We do not know the exact date of the work, but may assign it with considerable probability to the earlier part of the episcopate of Dionysius of Rome; that is, soon after 259. Upon this work and upon Dionysius' attitude toward Sabellianism, see especially Dittrich, Dionysius der Grosse, p. 91. sq.
On Bk. VIII. chap. 2, § 4 (note 3, continued). The Causes of the Diocletian Persecution. The persecution of Diocletian, following as it did a period of more than forty years during which Christianity had been recognized as a religio licita, and undertaken as it was by a man who throughout the first eighteen years of his reign had shown himself friendly to the Christians, and had even filled his own palace with Christian servants, presents a very difficult problem to the historian. Why did Diocletian persecute? The question has taxed the ingenuity of many scholars and has received a great variety of answers. Hunziker (in his Regierung und Christenverfolgung des Kaisers Diocletianus und seiner Nachfolger, Leipzig, 1869), Burckhardt (in his Zeit Constantins, Basel, 1853, 2d and improved edition, Leipzig, 1880), and A. J. Mason (in his Persecution of Diocletian, Cambridge and London, 1876), not to mention other investigators, have treated the subject with great ability and at considerable length, and the student is referred to their works for a fuller examination of the questions involved. It is not my purpose here to discuss the various views that have been presented by others; but inasmuch as I am unable fully to agree with any of them, I desire to indicate my own conception of the causes that led to the persecution. We are left almost wholly to conjecture in the matter; for our only authority, Lactantius, makes so many palpably erroneous statements in his description of the causes which produced the great catastrophe that little reliance can be placed upon him (see Burckhardt's demonstration of these errors, ibid. p. 289 sq.). Nevertheless, he has preserved for us at least one fact of deep significance, and it is a great merit of Mason's discussion that he has proved so conclusively the correctness of the report. The fact I refer to is that the initiative came from Galerius, not from Diocletian himself. Lactantius states this very distinctly and repeatedly, but it has been argued by Hunziker and many others that the persecution had been in Diocletian's mind for a long time, and that it was but the culmination of his entire policy. Having settled political matters, it is said, he turned his attention to religious matters, and determined as a step toward the restoration of the old Roman religion in its purity to exterminate Christianity. But, as Mason shows, this is an entire misconception of Diocletian's policy. It had never been his intention to attack Christianity. Such an attack was opposed to all his principles, and was at length made only under the pressure of strong external reasons. But though Mason has brought out this important fact so clearly, and though he has shown that Galerius was the original mover in the matter, he has, in my opinion, gone quite astray in his explanation of the causes which led Diocletian to accede to the wishes of Galerius. According to Mason, Diocletian was induced against his will to undertake a course of action which his judgment told him was unwise. "But the Cæsar [Galerius] was the younger and the stronger man; and a determination to do has always an advantage over the determination not to do. At length Diocletian broke down so far as to offer to forbid the profession of the faith within the walls of his palace and under the eagles of his legions. He was sure it was a mistaken policy. It was certainly distasteful to himself. The army would suffer greatly by the loss. Diocletian would have to part with servants to whom he was attached," &c. To my mind, it is impossible to believe that Diocletian--great and wise emperor as he had proved himself, and with an experience of over eighteen years of imperial power during which he had always shown himself master--can thus have yielded simply to the importunity of another man. Our knowledge of Diocletian's character should lead us to repudiate absolutely such a supposition. Feeling the difficulty of his own supposition, Mason suggests that Diocletian may have felt that it would be better for him to begin the persecution himself, and thus hold it within some bounds, than to leave it for Galerius to conduct when he should become emperor two years later. But certainly if, as Mason assumes, Diocletian was convinced that the measure was in itself vicious and impolitic, that was a most remarkable course to pursue. To do a bad thing in order to leave no excuse for a successor to do the same thing in a worse way--certainly that is hardly what we should expect from the strongest and the wisest ruler Rome had seen for three centuries. If he believed it ought not to be done, we may be sure he would not have done it, and that neither Galerius nor any one else could compel him to. He was not such a helpless tool in the hands of others, nor was he so devoid of resources as to be obliged to prevent a successor's folly and wickedness by anticipating him in it, nor so devoid of sense as to believe that he could. It is, in my opinion, absolutely necessary to assume that Diocletian was convinced of the necessity of proceeding against the Christians before he took the step he did. How then are we to account for this change in his opinions? Burckhardt attributes the change to the discovery of a plot among the Christians. But the question naturally arises, what motive can the Christians have had for forming a plot against an emperor so friendly to them and a government under which they enjoyed such high honors? Burckhardt gives no satisfactory answer to this very pertinent query, and consequently his theory has not found wide acceptance. And yet I believe he is upon the right track in speaking of a plot, though he has not formed the right conception of its causes and nature, and has not been able to urge any known facts in direct support of his theory. In my opinion the key to the mystery lies in the fact which Lactantius states and the truth of which Mason demonstrates, but which Burckhardt quite overlooks, that the initiative came from Galerius, not Diocletian, viewed in the light of the facts that Galerius had long been known to be a bitter enemy of the Christians, and that he was to succeed Diocletian within a couple of years. The course of events might be pictured somewhat as follows. Some of the Christian officials and retainers of Diocletian, fearing what might happen upon the accession of Galerius, who was known to be a deadly enemy of the Christians, and who might be expected, if not to persecute, at least to be a deadly enemy of the Christian officials that had enjoyed Diocletian's favor (Galerius himself had only heathen officials in his court), conceived the idea of frustrating in some way the appointed succession and secure it for some one who would be more favorable to them (possibly for the young Constantine, who was then at Diocletian's court, and who, as we know, was later so cordially hated by Galerius). It may have been hoped by some of them that it would be possible in the end to win Diocletian himself over to the side of Christianity, and then induce him to change the succession and transmit the power to a fitter prince. There may thus have been nothing distinctly treasonable in the minds of any of them, but there may have been enough to arouse the suspicions of Galerius himself, who was the one most deeply interested, and who was always well aware of the hatred which the Christians entertained toward him. We are told by Lactantius that Galerius spent a whole winter with Diocletian, endeavoring to persuade him to persecute. The latter is but a conclusion drawn by Lactantius from the events which followed; for he tells us himself that their conferences were strictly private, and that no one knew to what they pertained. But why did the persecution of the Christians at this particular time seem so important a thing to Galerius that he should make this long and extraordinary visit to Nicomedia? Was it the result of a fresh accession of religious zeal on his part? I confess myself unable to believe that Galerius' piety lay at the bottom of the matter, and at any rate, knowing that he would himself be master of the empire in two years, why could he not wait until he could take matters into his own hands and carry them out after his own methods? No one, so far as I know, has answered this question; and yet it is a very pertinent one. It might be said that Galerius was afraid that he should not be able to carry out such measures unless they had had the sanction of his great predecessor. But Galerius never showed, either as Cæsar or Augustus, any lack of confidence in himself, and I am inclined to think that he would have preferred to enjoy the glory of the great undertaking himself rather than give it all to another, had he been actuated simply by general reasons of hostility toward the Church. But if we suppose that he had conceived a suspicion of such a plan as has been suggested, we explain fully his remarkable visit and his long and secret interviews with Diocletian. There was no place in which he could discover more about the suspected plot (which he might well fancy to be more serious than it really was) than in Nicomedia itself; and if such a plot was on foot, it was of vital importance to unearth it and reveal it to Diocletian. We may believe then that Galerius busied himself during the whole winter in investigating matters, and that long after he had become thoroughly convinced of the existence of a plot Diocletian remained skeptical. We may suppose that at the same time whatever vague plans were in the minds of any of the Christians were crystallizing during that winter, as they began to realize that Galerius' hold upon the emperor was such that the latter could never be brought to break with him. We may thus imagine that while Galerius was seeking evidence of a plot, the plot itself was growing and taking a more serious shape in the minds at least some of the more daring and worldly minded Christians. Finally, sufficient proof was gathered to convince even Diocletian that there was some sort of a plot on foot, and that the plotters were Christians. The question then arose what course should be pursued in the matter. And this question may well have caused the calling together of a number of counsellors and the consultation of the oracle of Apollo of which Lactantius tells us. Galerius naturally wished to exterminate the Christians as a whole, knowing their universal hostility to him; but Diocletian just as naturally wished to punish only such as were concerned in the plot, and was by no means convinced that the Christians as a whole were engaged in it. The decision which was reached, and which is exhibited in the edict of the 24th of February, 303 seems to confirm in a remarkable manner the theory which has been presented. Instead of issuing an edict against Christians in general, Diocletian directs his blows solely against Christians in governmental circles,--public officials and servants in official families (cf. the interpretation of the edict given above in Bk. VIII. chap. 2, note 6). This is certainly not the procedure of an emperor who is persecuting on religious grounds. The church officers should in that case have been first attacked as they had been by Decius and Valerian. The singling out of Christians in official circles--and the low as well as the high ones, the servants as well as the masters--is a clear indication that the motive was political, not religious. Moreover, that the edict was drawn in such mild terms is a confirmation of this. These men were certainly not all guilty, and it was not necessary to put them all to death. It was necessary to put an end to the plot in the most expeditious and complete way. The plotters should be shown that their plot was discovered, and the whole thing should be broken up by causing some of them to renounce their faith, by degrading and depriving of citizenship all that would not renounce it. It was a very shrewd move. Executions would but have increased the rebellious spirit and caused the plot to spread. But Diocletian was well aware that any one that renounced his faith would lose caste with his fellow-Christians, and even if he had been a plotter in the past, he could never hope to gain anything in the future from the accession of a Christian emperor. He was careful moreover to provide against any danger from those who refused to renounce their faith, by putting them into a position where it would be impossible for them to accomplish anything in that line in the future. He knew that a plot which had no support within official circles would be of no account and was not to be feared. The action, based on the grounds given, was worthy of Diocletian's genius; explained in any other way it becomes, in my opinion, meaningless. A further confirmation of the view which has been presented is found in the silence of Lactantius and Eusebius. The former was in Nicomedia, and cannot have failed to know the ostensible if not the true cause of the great persecution. Diocletian cannot have taken such a step without giving some reason for it, and doubtless that reason was stated in the preambles of his edicts, as is the case in the edicts of other emperors; but as it happens, while we know the substance of all the edicts, not a single preamble has been preserved. May it not be possible that the Christians, who preserved the terms of the edicts, found the preambles distasteful because derogatory to some of themselves and yet unfortunately not untrue? The reasons which Lactantius gives are palpable makeshifts, and indeed he does not venture to state them categorically. "I have learned," he says, "that the cause of his fury was as follows." Doubtless he had heard it thus in Christian circles; but doubtless he had heard it otherwise from heathen or from the edicts themselves; and he can hardly, as a sensible man, have been fully satisfied with his own explanation of the matter. Eusebius attempts no explanation. He tells us in chapter I, above, that the Church just before the persecution was in an abominable state and full of unworthy Christians, and yet he informs us that he will pass by the unpleasant facts to dwell upon the brighter side for the edification of posterity. Was the cause of the persecution one of the unpleasant facts? He calls it a judgment of God. Was it a merited judgment upon some who had been traitors to their country? He gives us his opinion as to the causes of the persecution of Decius and Valerian; why is he silent about the causes of this greatest of all the persecutions? His silence in the present case is eloquent. The course of events after the publication of the First Edict is not difficult to follow. Fire broke out twice in the imperial palace. Lactantius ascribes it to Galerius, who was supposed to have desired to implicate the Christians; but, as Burckhardt remarks, Diocletian was not the man to be deceived in that way, and we may dismiss the suspicion as groundless. That the fires were accidental is possible, but extremely improbable. Diocletian at least believed that they were kindled by Christians, and it must be confessed that he had some ground for his belief. At any rate, whether true or not, the result was the torture (for the sake of extorting evidence) and the execution of some of his most faithful servants (see Bk. VIII. chap. 6). It had become an earnest matter with Diocletian, and he was beginning to feel--as he had never had occasion to feel before--that a society within the empire whose claims were looked upon as higher than those of the state itself, and duty to which demanded, in case of a disagreement between it and the state, insubordination, and even treason, toward the latter, was too dangerous an institution to tolerate longer, however harmless it might be under ordinary circumstances. It was at about this time that there occurred rebellions in Melitene and Syria, perhaps in consequence of the publication of the First Edict; at any rate, the Christians, who were regarded with ever increasing suspicion, were believed to be in part at least responsible for the outbreaks, and the result was that a second edict was issued, commanding that all the rulers of the churches should be thrown into prison (see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 6). Here Diocletian took the same step taken by Decius and Valerian, and instituted thereby a genuine religious persecution. It was now Christians as Christians whom he attacked; no longer Christian officials as traitors. The vital difference between the first and second edicts is very clear. All that followed was but the legitimate carrying out of the principle adopted in the Second Edict,--the destruction of the Church as such, the extermination of Christianity.
On Bk. X. chap. 8, § 4 (note I, a). After Constantine's victory over Maxentius, his half-sister Constantia, daughter of Constantius Chlorus by his second wife, Theodora, was married to Licinius, and thus the alliance of the two emperors was cemented by family ties. Constantius Chlorus was a grandson of Crispus, brother of the Emperor Claudius II., and hence could claim to be, in a sense, of imperial extraction; a fact which gave him a dignity beyond that of his colleagues, who were all of comparatively low birth. Constantine himself and his panegyrists always made much of his illustrious descent.
Table of Roman Emperors. Augustus............................................................... .......................................... b.c. 27-a.d. 14 Tiberius............................................................... .................................................. a.d. 14-37 Caius Caligula............................................................... ................................................. 37-41 Claudius............................................................... ......................................................... 41-54 Nero................................................................... .......................................................... 54-68 Galba.................................................................. .......................................................... 68-69 Otho................................................................... ................................................................ 69 Vitellius.............................................................. ................................................................. 69 Vespasian.............................................................. ........................................................ 69-79 Titus.................................................................. ............................................................ 79-81 Domitian............................................................... ......................................................... 81-96 Nerva.................................................................. .......................................................... 96-98 Trajan................................................................. ........................................................ 98-117 Hadrian................................................................ ..................................................... 117-138 Antoninus Pius................................................................... ........................................ 138-161 Marcus Aurelius [Antoninus Verus] Lucius Verus } ............................................................. 161-180 ............................................................. 161-169 Commodus............................................................... ................................................. 180-192 Pertinax............................................................... .............................................................. 193 Didius Julianus............................................................... .................................................... 193 Niger.................................................................. ....................................................... 193-194 Septimius Severus................................................................ ...................................... 193-211 Caracalla Geta } ....................................................................... ................................ 211-217 ....................................................................... ................................ 211-212 M. Opilius Macrinus............................................................... ................................... 217-218 Heliogabalus, or Elagabalus............................................................. ........................... 218-222 Alexander Severus................................................................ ..................................... 222-235 Maximin I...................................................................... ............................................ 235-238 The Gordians, I and II..................................................................... .......................... 237-238 Maximus Pupienus Balbinus } ....................................................................... ......................... 238 Gordian III.................................................................... ............................................ 238-244 Philip................................................................. ........................................................ 244-249 Decius................................................................. ...................................................... 249-251 Gallus................................................................. ....................................................... 251-252 Æmilian................................................................ ............................................................. 253 Valerian............................................................... ...................................................... 253-260 Gallienus.............................................................. ...................................................... 260-268 Claudius II..................................................................... ............................................ 268-270 Aurelian............................................................... ...................................................... 270-275 Tacitus................................................................ ...................................................... 275-276 Probus................................................................. ..................................................... 276-282 Carus.................................................................. ...................................................... 282-283 Carinus Numerian } ....................................................................... ............................. 283-284 Diocletian Maximian } ....................................................................... ............................. 284-305 ....................................................................... ............................. 285-305 Constantius Galerius Maxentius (not recognized by the others) Licinius Constantine Maximin II. } .............. .............. } ....................................... 305-306 ....................................... 305-311 ....................................... 306-312 ....................................... 307-323 ....................................... 308-313 ....................................... 308-337
The Bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, mentioned by Eusebius. Bishops of Rome. (Dates taken from the table given by Lipsius in his Chronologie der röm. Bischöfe, p. 263 sq.) Linus. Pontianus, 5 years 2 months 7 days; (July 21?), 230-Sept. 28, 235. Anencletus. Anteros, 1 month 12 days; Nov. 21, 235-Jan. 3, 236. Clement. Fabianus, 14 years 10 days; 236-Jan. 20, 250. Vacancy from Jan. 21, 250-March, 251. Evarestus. Cornelius, 2 years 3 months 10 days; beginning of March, 251-middle of June, 253. Alexander. Lucius, 8 months 10 days; June (25?), 253-March 5, 254. Xystus I, for about ten years; died between 124 and 126. Stephanus, 3 years 2 months 21 days; (May 12?), 254-Aug. 6, 258. Telesphorus, 11 years; died between 135 and 137. Xystus II., 11 months 12 (6?) days; Aug. 24 (31?), 257-Aug. 6, 258. Hyginus, 4 years; died between 139 and 141. Dionysius, 9 years 5 months 2 days; July 22, 259-Dec. 27, 268. Pius, 15-16 years; died between 154 and 156. Felix I., 5 years 11 months 25 days; Jan. 5, 269-Dec. 30, 274. Anicetus, 11-12 years; died in 166 or 167. Eutychian, 8 years 11 months 3 days; (Jan. 5?) 275-Dec. 8, 283. Soter, 8-9 years; died in 174 or 175. Caius, 12 years 4 months 6 days; Dec. 17, 283-April 22, 296. Eleutherus, 15 years; died in 189. Marcellinus, 8 years 3 months 25 days; June 30, 296-(Oct. 25?), 304. Vacancy until 307. Victor, 9-10 years; 189-198 or 199. Marcellus, 1 year 7 months 21 days; (May 24?), 307-Jan. 15, 309. Zephyrinus, 18-19 years; 198 or 199-217 (Aug. 26?). Eusebius, 3 (4?) months 23 (16?) days; April 23 (16?), 309-Aug. 17,
309. Vacancy until 310. Callistus, 5 years; 217-Oct. 14, 222. Miltiades, 3 years 6 months 8 days; July 2, 310-Jan. 10 (11?), 314. Urbanus, 8 years; 222-230 (May 19?).
Bishops of Alexandria. Annianus. Justus. Agrippinus. Dionysius. Abilius. Eumenes. Julian. Maximus. Cerdon. Marcus. Demetrius. Theonas. Primus. Celadion. Heraclas. Peter.
Bishops of Antioch. (Dates taken from the table given by Harnack in his Zeit des Ignatius, p. 62.) Evodius. Zebinus, died between 238 and 249. Ignatius. Babylas, died in 250, during the persecution of Decius. Hero. Fabius, died toward the end of 252 or early in 253. Cornelius. Demetrian, died between 257 and 260. Eros. Paul, deposed between 266 and 269 (probably in 268). Theophilus, died not earlier than 182. Domnus. Maximinus, died between 189 and 192. Timæus, died about 280. Serapion, died about 209. Cyril, sent to the mines in 303, and died probably toward the end of 306. Asclepiades, died between 211 and 222. Tyrannus, succeeded Cyril probably in 303, possibly not until 306, and lived until the close of the persecution. Philetus, died not long before 229-231.
Bishops of Jerusalem. James. Justus. Gaius I. Dius. Symeon. Levi. Symmachus. Germanio. Justus. Ephres. Gaius II. Gordius. Zacchæus. Joseph. Julian II. Narcisscus, a second time. Tobias. Judas. Capito. Alexander. Benjamin. Marcus. Maximus II. Antoninus. } Mazabanes. John. Cassianus. Hymenæus. Matthias. Publius. Valens. Zambdas. Philip. Maximus I. Dolichianus. Hermon. Seneca. Julian I. Narcissus.
1. Gorpiæus. September.
7. Dystrus. March.
2. Hyperberetæus. October.
8. Xanthicus. April.
3. Dius. November.
9. Artemisius. May.
4. Apellæus. December.
10. Dæsius. June.
5. Audynæus. January.
11. Panemus. July.
6. Peritius. February.
12. Loüs. August.
the life of constantine, By Eusebius, together with the oration of constantine to the assembly of the saints, and the oration of eusebius in praise of constantine. A Revised Translation, with Prolegomena and Notes, by Ernest Cushing Richardson, Ph.d. librarian and associate professor in hartford theological seminary.
Preface. ------------------------ In accordance with the instruction of the editor-in-chief the following work consists of a revision of the Bagster translation of Eusebius' "Life of Constantine," Constantine's "Oration to the Saints," and Eusebius' "Oration in Praise of Constantine," with somewhat extended Prolegomena and limited notes, especial attention being given in the Prolegomena to a study of the Character of Constantine. In the work of revision care has been taken so far as possible not to destroy the style of the original translator, which though somewhat inflated and verbose, represents perhaps all the better, the corresponding styles of both Eusebius and Constantine, but the number of changes really required has been considerable, and has caused here and there a break in style in the translation, whose chief merit is that it presents in smooth, well-rounded phrase the generalized idea of a sentence. The work on the Prolegomena has been done as thoroughly and originally as circumstances would permit, and has aimed to present material in such way that the general student might get a survey of the man Constantine; and the various problems and discussions of which he is center. It is impossible to return special thanks to all who have given special facilities for work, but the peculiar kindness of various helpers in the Bibliothèque de la Ville at Lyons demands at least the recognition of individualized thanksgiving. E.C.R. Hartford, Conn., April 15, 1890.
Prolegomena.
I.--Constantine the Great.
Chapter I Life. §1. Early Years The Emperor Flavius Valerius Constantinus, surnamed the Great, born February 27, 272 or 274, at Naïssus, was son of Constantius Chlorus, afterwards Emperor, and Helena his wife.
2. 30).
3. 6, and notes), and Constantine took an active part in its proceedings. The same year his Vicennalia were celebrated at Nicomedia (Euseb. V. C. 1. 1; Hieron.; Cassiod.) and the following year at Rome also (Hieron., Cassiod., Prosper, Idat.), Constantine being present at both celebrations, being thus at Rome in July, and passing during the year as far as Arles, apparently spending some time at Milan (cf. the various laws in Clinton, v. 2, p. 92).
3. Mental characteristics. 4. Moral characteristics. 5. Religious characteristics. The character of Constantine has been so endlessly treated, with such utter lack of agreement, that it seems hopeless to try to reach any clear results in a study of it. "Who shall decide when doctors disagree?" "How shall I go about it to find what sort of a man Constantine really was?" Certainly nothing can be gained by that method which chooses a few acts or characteristics to which shifting tests of various philosophies are applied. Nor can any haphazard selection and stringing together of traits give what is by its nature a synthesis of them all. Like any other scientific study, the first condition of method is that it be systematic. Then, a character generalization is worth just so much, no more, as the grounds on which it is based. To get a man's character from secondary sources, from other men's generalizations, is a hopelessly will-of-the-wisp effort. Again, another vice of characterization as usually practised is the interpretation of the whole by a part rather than the part by the whole. The individual act is thus made the standard of character. To get at what this personality called Constantine was therefore requires a systematic survey of the primary sources with a view to getting the ensemble that the eccentric may be judged by the normal. In such survey the main thing is the body of analyzed and grouped facts. The editor's summary, like any summary, is worth only what the facts are worth. This method, however imperfectly carried out, is at least better than rambling observations of incoherent phenomena; and has therefore been adopted in this attempt to find out what sort of a man this Constantine was; Physically, Mentally, Morally, Spiritually.
§2. Inherited Characteristics. The fact of the inheritance of character, virtues or vices as the case may be, curiously recognized in various nations and ancient philosophies (cf. Ribot. Heredity, N.Y. 1875, p. 375-6), and even in the ten commandments, has received the clearer exposition of modern science. In view of it, a scientific study of character considers antecedent generations. Biography rests properly on genealogy. Constantine's father, Constantius Chlorus, was a man of great mildness, self-possession, and philosophic virtue, just, and a Neo-Platonist of the best type, a monotheist and philanthropist (cf. Sinclair, in Smith & W. 1. 661-2). Constantine is said to have inherited his father's strength, courage, personal appearance (Eumen. Paneg. c. 4), piety (Pseud.-Leo, p. 83; cf. Const. and Euseb. in V. C. 2. 49), and general virtues. The slur of Zosimus on the character of Constantine's mother seems to have been quite gratuitous. Her relation to Constantius was in nowise incompatible with virtue, and the honor afterwards paid her, along with the indisputable good early training of Constantine which was with her, indicate a woman of unusual character. The later enterprise and activity with the honors and responsibilities given her show her to have been of very considerable energy and ability.
§3. Physical Characteristics. A graphic picture of his personal appearance is drawn by Cedrenus (p. 472-3). "Constantinus Magnus was of medium height, broad-shouldered, thick-necked, whence his epithet Bull-necked. His complexion was ruddy, his hair neither thick nor crisp curling, his beard scanty and not growing in many places, his nose slightly hooked, and his eyes like the eyes of a lion. He was joyous of heart and most cheery of countenance."
3. 47). It is in this relation to his family, however, that the most serious attacks on the character of Constantine have been made. Eutropius says: "But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling first upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent man; his sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards his wife; and subsequently many of his friends." This has been a battle-ground of accusation or excusation in all the centuries. The testimony is very meagre and uncertain, but this much may be said: 1. That any jury would regard the fact of deaths as evidenced. It is witnessed by Eutrop. (10. 6), Zos., Vict., Hieron., &c. 2. That he was unjustifiable is not proven. In respect to the death of Fausta, at least, there was probably just cause; whether love intrigue or other intrigue, there seems to have been some real occasion. The death of Crispus, too, was from no mere suspicions, but on apparently definite grounds of distrust. It is historical assumption to say that he had no good grounds, whatever these may have been--illicit relationship with Fausta or more probably political intrigue. At the worst, he was put to death on false but, at the time, apparently true accusation: what has been done by judges and juries of the best intention. Of Licinius, his sister's son, it can hardly be said that he had the same reason, as he was still a boy. But remembering the inherited character of Licinius, and noticing the curious fact that the cordiality between Constantia and Constantine was peculiarly great to the end, it seems as if there must have been some mitigating circumstance. In all historical candor it looks as if there had been some general intrigue against Constantine which had been met in this way; but the fairest verdict to enter is "causes unknown." In estimating the characteristic value of the acts it must be noted, 1. That it has in no sense the character of private execution. The emperor was judge. Even if he mistook evidence and put to death an innocent man, it was as when a judge does the same. 2. That the relative moral character of punishments inflicted is conditioned by the custom of punishment. An English judge of the past was not as cruel in hanging a man for theft, as a modern one in applying the extreme penalty of the law to an offense with mitigating circumstances, would be. 3. That all law of evidence, all rhyme and reason, says that any man's any act is to be interpreted in the light of his general character. Where evidence is lacking or doubtful, such evidence of general character has actual weight, and may be conclusive. In application to these acts note (a) The peculiar forbearance which Constantine exercised toward Maximian. (b) The conclusive universal testimony to the general mildness of his character and his habitual mercifulness. In view of this, it is to be judged that there was some real, or appearing, great ground of judicial wrath. 4. That Constantine had suffered from plots on the part of his own relatives over and over again, and spared, and been plotted against again, as in the cases of Maximian, Bassianus, and Licinius. 5. That they were not put to death "in a gust of passion" at once, but in successive acts. In view of these things it is fair and just to say that they were put to death on grounds which seemed just and for the welfare of society, and their deaths in no sense indicate cruelty or unnaturalness on the part of Constantine. Even the death of Licinius must be interpreted by the political ethics of the times and its circumstances. So long as sentimentalists continue to send bouquets to murderers and erect monuments to anarchists, they will regard execution, even legal execution, as prima facie evidence of cruelty, and the killing of a murderer in self-defense, or the hanging of a traitor, as crime. Constantine's whole character ensures that if he thought he could have spared them, or any one, with safety, he would have done so. In general he was a faithful husband as respects marital virtue, and a good father. He took care that his children should be well educated. Crispus was under Lactantius (Hieron.), and the others perhaps under Arborius ("Auson. de Prof. Burdig. 16"); at all events, he had the most accomplished teachers of secular learning to instruct in the art of war, and in political and legal science (V. C. 4. 51), and both by his own instruction and that of men of approved piety, took special pains with their religious training. He early appointed them to offices of authority, and distributed the empire among them. (d) In relations with friends. His general conduct toward his friends was marked by very great liberality (cf. above). Eutropius speaks emphatically of this even while he uses the expression which has been such a puzzle to all, that "toward some of his friends he was double" (or dangerous), a phrase which is interpreted by Johannes Ant. as meaning "to some of friends false (unsound, hupoulos) and unsafe (unwholesome, ouch hugios)" (ed. Müller 4. p. 602-3). His uniform effort to please his friends has been discussed above. (e) In relations with society. 1. As General he seems to have been popular with his own soldiers (cf. above), inspiring them with enthusiasm and energy. Toward hostile soldiers he was merciful (cf. above), not following up an advantage further than was necessary, and toward conquered enemies unusually forbearing; e.g. at Sigusium, at Rome, with Maximian, with Licinius, and with the Goths (cf. above). His generalship is characterized by careful provision for the guarding of his rear, and by rapidity of movement and dash in actual conflict. 2. As Legislator he "enacted many laws, some good, but most of them superfluous, and some severe" (Eutrop. 10. 8). He seems to have had a weakness for law-making which, at all events, shows a characteristic respect for law little shared by his early contemporaries. Of course Eutropius would consider all laws in favor of Christians superfluous. Laws for the abolition of idolatrous practices, for the erection of Christian houses of worship, observance of the Lord's Day (V. C. 4. 23), permitting cases to be tried before bishops (Soz. 1. 9; Euseb. H. E. 10. 7; Cod. Theod. Tit. de episc. 2) &c., would surely seem so. But even in other laws Constantine seems to have had at times an abnormal zeal for law-making, when his energies were not occupied in war or church-building. The laws were generally wise and, at the least, benevolently or righteously meant. Such were the abolition of crucifixion (Vict. Cæs.) and of gladiatorial shows (V. C. 4. 25; Socr.
1. 8; C. Theod. 15. 12. 1), the law that the families of slaves were not to be separated (C. Theod. 2.25), that forbidding the scourging of debtors (C. Theod. 7. 3), and that repressing calumny (Vict. Epit. 51). Among the "severe" laws were such as punished certain forms of illicit intercourse with death. 3. As Statesman his policy was broad and far-reaching. He fully organized and carefully established one section of his territory before he enlarged. He changed the whole constitution of the empire, both civil and military (cf. Wordsworth, in Smith & W.). He inaugurated reforms in finance, and especially was most assiduous in the matter of internal improvements, restoring and building from one end of the empire to the other. The great characteristic consummation of his reign was the union of Church and State, over which men are still divided as to whether it was a tremendous blessing or a tremendous curse. Tremendous it surely was in its shaping power on world history. (Compare numerous titles under Literature.) The general statement of Eutropius that "in the beginning of his reign he might have been compared to the best princes, in the latter part only to those of a middling character," must be interpreted by the fact that during the latter part of his reign he was so associated with Christianity, in itself a falling away in the eyes of the old religionists. His reign was one of order and justice such as few were, and an order out of chaos, a reign in which it could be peculiarly said that "chastity was safe and marriage protected" (Naz. c. 38), where a man's life and property were secure as under few of the Roman emperors. It is idle to refuse the title of Great to a man who, from the beginning, followed a consistent, though developing policy, organized the interior, and securely guarded the frontier of his empire at each enlargement, and finally unified the whole on such a basis as to secure large internal prosperity and development.
3. Laws; 4. Various.
1. Oration to the saints (Oratio ad sanctum coetum, S. C.). For this see the following translation and Special Prolegomena.
2. Address to the Council of Nicæa in praise of peace (Ad Syn. Nic.), in Euseb. V. C. 3. 12. Address of welcome. He rejoices in the assembly, and exhorts them to be united, that they may thereby please God and do a favor to their emperor.
3. Oration to the Council of Nicæa, in Gelasius, Hist. Coun. Nic. 1. 7. Begins with rhetorical comparison of the Church to a temple, and ends with injunctions to observe peace and to search the Scriptures as the authority in all points of doctrine. Appears dubiously authentic.
4. Address to the bishops on their departure from Nicæa. Abstract in Euseb. V. C. 32. 1. Exhorts them to keep peace, cautions against jealousy, &c.
5. Funeral oration. A description in Euseb. V. C. 4. 55. Dwells on the immortality of the soul, the blessings laid up for those who love God, and the ruin of the ungodly. His method of composition is spoken of by Eusebius (V. C. 4. 29), and his manner of delivery may be gathered from Eusebius' description of his speech at the opening of the Council of Nicæa (V. C. 3. 11). For the style of his oratorical discourses, compare remarks on the Oration to the Saints in the Special Prolegomena.
§3. Letters and Edicts. It is hard to separate between letters, edicts, and laws. A substantial autocrat, the form of address was much the same, and the force. The extant letters are quite numerous, and those of which we have definite or general mention, many. He seems to have been a most industrious letter-writer. Of the extant letters a majority are undoubtedly or probably genuine. Some, however, need more critical study than seems to have been given to them. Following is the roughly chronological list, the works being grouped by years. The dating is taken mainly from the Migne edition, Ceillier, and Valesius with slight original study. The descriptions are of course from the documents themselves.
1. (313 a.d.) Edict of Constantine and Licinius for the restoration of the Church. In Lact. De M. P. c. 48, and also in Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed. Migne, 105-110). The second edict of toleration. The first edict (Euseb. 8. 17; Lact. De M. P. 34) can hardly be classed among the "writings" of Constantine. This famous second edict grants full religious liberty to the Christians and restoration of their property. Compare section on Acts of Toleration in Wordworth's Constantinus.
2. (313.) First letter of Constantine and Licinius to Anulinus. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed. Migne, 479-480). Restores goods to the Catholic Christians; written about the same time as the edict of toleration, according to Ceillier.
3. (313.) Second Letter of Constantine to Anulinus. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 7 (Op. Const. 481-2). Ordering that the Catholic clergy be free from public service, that they might not be disturbed in their worship of God.
4. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Cæcilianus. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 6 (Op. Const. 481-4). Presents money--three thousand purses (folles)--to be distributed according to direction of Hosius.
5. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Melchiades (or Miltiades). In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. 477- ). Having received various letters from Anulinus regarding Cæcilian and the Donatists, he summons a council at Rome to consider the matter.
6. (314.) Letter of Constantine to Ablavius (or Ælafius). In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 283-4 (Op. Const. 483-6). The result of the council at Rome not having proved final, he summons the Council of Arles.
7. (314.) Letter of Constantine to Chrestus (Crescentius), bishop of Syracuse. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. 485-8). Invites to the Council of Arles.
8. (314.) Letter of Constantine to the Bishops after the Council of Arles. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 287-8 (Op. Const. 487-90). Contains gratulations, reprobations of obstinate schismatists, and exhortations to patience with such obstinateness. It is full of religious expressions, and if genuine, is a most interesting exhibition of Constantine's religious position at this time, but it looks suspicious, and probably is not genuine.
9. (314) Letter of Constantine and Licinius to Probianus, the Proconsul of Africa. In Augustine, Ep. 88 (ed. Migne 33 3045), and also in Contr. Cresc. (43 540, also in Op. Const. and tr. Engl. in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1, p. 370). Orders that the Donatist Ingentius be brought to his court. One text adds Maximianus or Maximus in place of Maximus as epithet of Constantine.
10. (314 or 315.) Letter of Constantine to the Donatist Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 290 (Op. Const. ed. Migne 490). As the Donatists were not yet satisfied, he summons them to meet Cæcilian, and promises if they convict him in one particular, it shall be as if in all.
11. (315.) Letter of Constantine to Celsus. In Optat. Mon. vet p. 291 (Op. Const. 489-90). In reply to letter mentioning disturbances of the Donatists, he hints that he expects to go shortly to Africa and settle things summarily.
12. (315.) Fragment of a Letter of Constantine to Eumalius Vicarius. In Augustine's Contr. Crest. 3. 71 (ed. Migne 43 541; also Op. Const. 491-2). An extract of six lines, in which he says Cæcilianus was entirely innocent.
13. (316 or 317.) Letter of Constantine to the bishops and people of Africa. Optat. Mon. vet. p. 294 (Op. Const. 491-2). He has tried every way to settle the Donatist disturbances in vain, and now leaves them to God and advises patience.
14. (323.) First Letter of Constantine to Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 2. 46; Theodoret, 1. 14; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 491-4). Empowers the repairing, enlarging of old, and building of new churches.
15. (323 a.d.) Law of Constantine respecting piety toward God and the Christian Religion (Ad prov. Pal.). In Euseb. V. C. 2. 24-42; abstr. in Soz. 1. 8 (Op. Const. 253-282). This long edict, addressed to the inhabitants of Palestine, contains an exposition of the prosperity which attends the righteous and the adversity which comes to the wicked, followed by edict for the restitution of confiscated property, the recall of exiles, and various other rectifications of injustices. This is the copy, "or letter," sent to the heathen population of the empire.
16. (324.) Constantine's edict to the people of the eastern provinces concerning the error of polytheism, &c. (Ad. prov. Or). In Euseb. V. C. 48- . This letter, written in Latin and translated by Eusebius, begins with "some general remarks on virtue and vice," touches on the persecutions and the fate of the persecutors, expresses the wish that all would become Christians, praises God, and exhorts concord.
17. (323 or 324.) Letter of Constantine to Alexander the Bishop and Arius the Presbyter. In Euseb. V. C. 2. 64-72; Gelas. 2. 4; Socr. 1. 7 (Op. Const. 493-502). Expresses his desire for peace, his hope that they might have helped him in the Donatist troubles, his distress at finding that they, too, were in a broil, his opinion that the matters under discussion are of little moment, and what he thinks they are. He exhorts to unanimity, repeats his opinion that the matters are of little moment, mentions his "copious and constant tears," and finally gets through.
18. (324-5.) Letter to Porphyrius (Optatian). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19
19. (325.) Letter of Constantine the King, summoning the bishops to Nicæa. In Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1841, p. 5-6. This is translated from a Syriac ms. in the British Museum, written in 501. Gives as reason for the choice of Nicæa the convenience for the European bishops and "the excellent temperature of the air." This, if genuine, is the letter mentioned by Eusebius, V. C., but it looks suspicious.
20. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the churches after the Council of Nicæa. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 17-20; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 501-506). Dwells on the harmonious result, especially respecting the Easter controversy, and commends to the bishops to observe what the Council has decreed.
21. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the church of Alexandria. In Socr.
1. 9 (Op. Const. 507-510). Expresses great horror of the blasphemy of Arius, and admiration for the wisdom of the more than three hundred bishops who condemned him.
22. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Arius and the Arians. In "Conc. 2. 269." A long and rather railing address against Arius.
23. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the churches. In Socr. H. E. 1. 9. A translation of a Syriac translation of this, written in 501, in Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1861, p. 6-7. Against Arius and the Porphyrians, and threatens that any one who conceals a work of Arius shall be punished with death.
24. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis. In Gelas. 3. 2; Theodoret, 1. 20; Soz. 1. 21 (Op. Const. 519-524). A theological discussion partly of the relation of Father and Son, and an attack on Eusebius of Nicomedia.
25. (325.) Letter to Theodotus. In Gelas. 3. 3 (Op. Const. 523-524). Counsels him to take warning by what has happened to Eusebius (of Nicomedia) and Theognis, i.e. banishment, and get rid of such evil influence, if any, as they may have had on him.
26. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Macarius. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 30-32; Theodoret, 1. 16. Directs the erection of a peculiarly magnificent church at the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem.
27. (330.) Letter of Constantine to the Numidian Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 295 (Op. Const. 531-532). Concerns a church taken possession of by schismatists.
28. (332.) Letter of Constantine to the Antiochians. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 60 (Op. Const. 533- ). Exhorts them not to persist in their effort to call Eusebius from Cæsarea to Antioch.
29. (332 a.d.) Letter of Constantine to the Synod of Tyre deprecating the removal of Eusebius from Cæsarea. In Euseb. V. C. 362; Theodoret,
1. 27 (Op. Const. 543-546).
30. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 61 (Op. Const. 537-540). Commends Eusebius for having declined the call to Antioch.
31. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Macarius and the rest of the Bishops in Palestine (to Eusebius). In Euseb. V. C. 3. 52-53 (Op. Const. 539-544). Directs the suppression of idolatrous worship at Mamre.
32. (332.?) Edict against the heretics. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 64-5. Against Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, Cataphrygians who are forbidden to assemble and whose houses of worship are to be given to the Catholic party.
33. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Sapor, King of the Persians. In Euseb. 4. 9-13; Theodoret, 1. 24 (Op. Const. 545-552). Is mainly a confession of faith commending the Persian Christians to the special care of their king.
34. (333.) Letters of Constantine to Antonius, the monk, and of Antonius to him are mentioned in Athanasius, 1. 855 (Op. Const. 551-552). Constantine and his sons write as to a father. Antony grudgingly replies with some good advice for them to remember the day of judgment, regard Christ as the only emperor, and have a care for justice and the poor.
35. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius in praise of his discourse concerning Easter. Eusebius, V. C. 4. 35 (Op. Const. 551-554) praises the discourse and asks for more.
36. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius on the preparation of the copies of the Scriptures. In Euseb. V. C. 4. 36; Theod. 1. 15; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 553-554). Orders fifty copies with directions as to style.
37. (335.) Fragment of the first letter of Constantine to Athanasius. In Athan. Apol.; Socr. 1. 27 (Op. Const. 553-556; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1843, p. 89). The letter summoning to the Council of Tyre, but only a half-dozen lines remain. This bids him admit all who wish to enter the church.
38. (335.) Letter of Constantine to the people of the Alexandrian Church. In Athan. Apol. c. Ar. c. 61 (Op. Const. 559-562; abstract in Soz. 2. 31; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1850, p. 90-92). Is a general lamentation over the dissensions of the Church, with expression of confidence in Athanasius.
39. (335.) Second Letter of Constantine to Athanasius. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 555-558). Expresses his reprobation of the false accusations of the Meletians against Athanasius.
40. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Joannes the Meletian. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 557-560). Congratulates on his reconciliation with Athanasius.
41. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Arius. In Socr. 1. 25 (Op. Const. 561-562). Invites Arius to visit him--the famous visit where he presented a confession of faith claimed to be in conformity with that of Nicæa.
42. (335.) A Letter to Dalmatius is mentioned by Athanasius, Apol. 5. 13, but not preserved (Op. Const. 563-564; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1850, p. 94). It required him to make judicial enquiry respecting the charge against Athanasius of the murder of Arsenius.
43. (335.) Celebrated Letter of Constantine concerning the Synod of Tyre. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 42 (Op. Const. 561-564). Exhorts the bishops to give zeal to fulfilling the purpose of the synod in the restitution of peace to the Church.
44. (335.) Letter to the Bishops assembled at Tyre. In Socr. H. E. 1. 34, and in Soz. H. E. 2. 28. Summons them to come to him at Constantinople and give account of their proceedings. Besides these there are the clearly spurious:
1. Letter of Helena to Constantine (Op. Const. 529-530).
2. Letter of Constantine in response to Helena (Op. Const. 529-532).
3. Treaty of peace between Constantine, Sylvester and Tiridates (Op. Const. 579-582). On Tiridates compare various sources in Langlois Col. des historiens de...l'Armènie, and for literature respecting their authenticity, his note on p. 103.
4. Edict of Constantine to Pope Silvester (Op. Const. 567-578). The famous Donation which first appeared in Pseudo-Isidore, and for which see under The Mythical Constantine, p. 442-3. There are also quite a large number of letters mentioned with more or less description, and a "multitude of letters" (V. C. 3. 24) of which there is no specific knowledge. Of the former may be mentioned that to the inhabitants of Heliopolis, one to Valerius (or Valerianus or Verinus) (Augustine, Ad Donat. p. c. c. 33); one to the Council of Tyre, asking them to hasten to Jerusalem (V. C. 4. 43; Soz. 2. 26); and one acknowledging the copies of the Scriptures prepared at his order, through Eusebius (V. C. 4. 37).
8. p. 93-400), mainly from the Theodosian code. They are in the opinion of Eutropius (10. 8) "many," "some good and equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe" (cf. under Character). Many of them show the author's tendency to declamation, but taken all in all they are businesslike and do credit, in the main, to their author's heart, and even, though less conspicuously, to his head. For more specific account, compare the laws themselves as collected in Migne, the relating passages in Wordsworth and Ceillier, standard and annotated editions of the codes, and special treatises, such as Balduin, De leg. eccl. et civ. 1737.
§5. Various. Besides the more formal works mentioned above, various conversations, sayings, bon mots, prayers, &c., are preserved, among which may be mentioned:
1. Memoirs of himself, of which no portion is extant. Writings of Constantine are mentioned by Lydus (p. 194, 226), but whether the writings referred to deserve the title given by Burckhardt it is hard to say.
2. A form of prayer given by Constantine to his soldiers (V. C. 4. 20).
3. His address when the memorials of contendents, at Council of Nicæa, were brought to him (Soz. 1. 17).
4. The conversation with Acesius, for which Socrates vouches, closing, "O Acesius, set up a ladder, and do you alone climb up to heaven."
5. His rebuke to the courtier concerning covetousness (V. C. 4. 30).
6. His answer when told his statues had been stoned, "Strange, but I feel no wound" ("Chrysost. Ad Pop. Ant.").
7. His appeal to the bishops, requesting them to confer upon him the rite of baptism (V. C. 4. 62).
8. His Thanksgiving after baptism and testimony (V. C. 4. 63). In general, his writings were composed in Latin, and translated into Greek by those appointed for this special purpose (V. C. 4. 32). His general style is rhetorical, rather profuse, and declamatory, abounding in pious allusion and exhortation, as well as philosophical quotation and reflection. His works are interesting to study and not without a touch here and there of genuine literary interest. A remark on friendship, for example, unless it be a product of his habit of borrowing the thoughts of other men more or less directly, is delightful and most quotable. "For it often happens," he says, "that when a reconciliation is effected by the removal of the causes of enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was before" (Const. to Alex. and Ar. in V. C. 2. 71).
Chapter Iv The Mythical Constantine. The many legends which have attached themselves to the name of Constantine are valuable chiefly as curiosities, and can be treated here only in specimens. A few of the more interesting and important are the following:
1. Constantine and his Mother Helena. A little anonymous work of some thirty pages, edited by Heydenreich from a fourteenth-century manuscript, was published under this title in 1879, and has drawn forth an astonishing amount of literature for so slight a thing. It has little value except as an illustration of mediæval romance, though Coen seems to think the honor of having introduced it into literature enough to warrant the expenditure of a good deal of pains in vindicating his claim to it. The story is written with tolerable art, and runs, abbreviated, something as follows: Helena, daughter of a noble family of Trèves, came on a pious journey to Rome. The Emperor Constantius, crossing a bridge of the Tiber, saw Helena among other pilgrims. Struck with her beauty, he arranged that she should be detained by force at the inn where she stayed, when her fellow-pilgrims returned to Gaul. The emperor then constrained her by force, but, seeing the great grief which his act had caused, gave her a certain ornament of precious stones and his ring, as a sort of pledge, and went away. She did not venture to return to her country, but remained at Rome with the son who was born to her, representing that her Gallic husband was dead. This son, Constantine, grew up pleasing, handsome, and versatile. Certain merchants, seeing his excellent quality, formed a scheme of making money by palming him off on the emperor of the Greeks as a son-in-law, representing him to be a son of the Roman emperor. The scheme was carried out, and the merchants after some time embarked again for Rome, with the Constantine and the princess, and much treasure. Toward the end of their journey they stopped over night at a little island. In the morning the young people awoke to find they had been deserted by the merchants, and Constantine in great grief confessed the deception which had been practiced. To this the princess replied that she cared little who he was or his family, since he was himself and her husband. After a few days of short rations they were taken by passing voyagers to Rome, where they joined Helena, and having purchased a house with the proceeds from the sale of certain valuables which the princess had kept with her, they went to hotel-keeping. Constantine took naturally to military life, and at tournaments surpassed everyone else so far as to arouse astonishment and inquiry. The emperor would not believe him a poor and friendless man, and had his mother called. After much vigorous evasion the truth came out, confirmed by the ring which the emperor had given Helena. Constantius first had the merchants put to death, and gave all their property to Constantine. Then a treaty was made with the emperor of the East, and Constantine was recognized as heir to the empire. A more wildly unhistorical historical novel could hardly have been written even by a Muhlbach. For further account, see under Literature especially articles by Heydenreich and by Coen.
2. Constantine the Son of a British Princess. Duke Coel of Colchester, say the old chronicles, by an insurrection became king. The Senate, rejoiced at the overthrow of an enemy, sent Constantius to Britain. Coel, fearing, sent ambassadors to meet him, gave hostages, and shortly died. Constantius was crowned, married Helena, daughter of Coel, the most beautiful, cultivated, and educated woman of her time. By her he had a son, Constantine, afterwards called the Great. This is in substance the account of Geoffrey of Monmouth (5. 6) and Pierre de Langloft (1, p. 66-7). The story is mentioned by Henry of Huntington (Bk. I. 37), who perhaps wrote before Geoffrey (in 1137 [?]), and Richard of Cirencester (2. 1. 33). Waurin (Vol. I. Bk. 2. 43) makes "Choel" Count of Leicester, but in general is identical with Geoffrey. The famous Brut of Layamon (ed. Madden, 2 p. 35) is translated with amplifications from Wace's Brut, and this in turn from Geoffrey. This makes Coel Earl of Gloucester. The Eulogium Hist. calls Helena (1. 337) daughter of a British king, but also concubine, though elsewhere (2, p. 267) she is wife according to the conventional story. It is also mentioned by many others; e.g. Voragine, Golden Legend. It is interesting that this legendary father of Helena is supposed (Hayden, Index to Eulogium, p. 45, and Giles, note on Geoffrey, p. 162) to be the same as "Old King Cole, the merry old soul," making Constantine thus the grandson of the Mother Goose hero.
3. Constantine's Leprosy; Healing and Baptism by Silvester. This tale is one of the most frequently found. The earliest account is said to be that of the Acts of Silvester. Some of the many who repeat it are Ephraem, Cedrenus, Zonaras. The following account is mainly from Glycas, p. 461-462. When Constantine was fighting against Maxentius, after he had seen the sign of the cross, he was victorious. Then, forgetting, he was conquered, and grieving, he fell asleep and had a vision in which the blow of a switch on his nostrils brought blood which flowed down on his linen tunic in the form of a cross. Seeing this, he was filled with penitence, and became again victorious. Being led away a second time into idolatry through his wife Fausta, he was divinely afflicted with leprosy. The priests prescribed a bath in the blood of infants, and it was ordered; but when he heard the lamentations of the mothers, he said it was better to suffer than that so many infants should perish. Therefore the apostles, Peter and Paul as some say, appeared to him and told him Silvester would cure him, as he did. There are many varieties of the story and various details as to baptism, but in general the whole series of stories regarding his baptism at Rome centers in this story, and gratitude for this cure is the supposed occasion of the famous donation of Constantine. In this the circumstances of the miracle are given at length,--the words of the apostles, Silvester's identification of them as apostles by portraits, the immersion, and subsequent instruction.
4. Donation of Constantine. This most remarkable of forgeries for its practical effect on world-history has been the subject of endless discussion. It is, in brief, a supposed grant to the Pope of Rome, Silvester, of certain sweeping privileges in recognition of the miracle he has wrought. The edict gives a long confession of faith followed by an account of the miracle and mention of the churches he has built. Then follow the grants to Silvester, sovereign Pontiff and Pope of Rome, and all his successors until the end of the world,--the Lateran palace, the diadem, phryginus, the purple mantle and scarlet robe, imperial scepters, insignia, banners and the whole imperial paraphernalia, as well as various clerical privileges and pretty much the whole world to govern. It is impossible here even to represent in outline the history of this extraordinary fiction. Composed not earlier than the latter part of the eighth century (Martens et alt. 9 cent.; Grauert, 840-850; Hauck, Bonneau, 752-757; Langen, 778, &c.; Friedrich acc. to Seeberg, divides into an earlier and a later portion), it early came to be general, though not unquestioned, authority. In 1229-1230 a couple of unfortunates who ventured to doubt its authenticity were burned alive at Strasburg (Documents communicated by Ristelhuber to Bonneau p. 57-58). Not many years after, Dante seems (Inf. 19. 115) to have taken its authenticity for granted; and although there is a possible doubting (De Monarch. 4. 10), he does not venture to dispute this. He denies, however, Constantine's power or right to give, if he did give. In modern times the fictitious character of the document is recognized by Protestants and Catholics alike, and the discussion, so vigorous formerly, over this authenticity has narrowed itself chiefly to a discussion of the place (France or Rome) and date (653-753, ninth century) and possible author. The discussion over these points has been lately renewed and is being carried on with animation. Among the later monographs are those of Martens (1889) and Friedrich (1889, not at hand). The latest treatise at hand is that of Seeberg in the Theol. Literaturbl. of Jan. 17. 24. 31 of the current year. For farther select literature, compare Verzeichniss in Martens; for sources, the chapters of Martens and Preface of Bonneau; for older literature, Muensch. p. 96-97, and in general the Literature of Constantine, in this volume, although no attempt has been made to exhaust the literature of this sub-topic there. Treatises on the Donation will be found under the names of Albani, Altus, Arrhenius, Bachmann, Bayet, Bonneau, Brunner, Chaulnes, Colombier, Cusa, Friedrich, Genelin, Grauert, Hauck, Hildebrand, Jacobatius, Kaufman, Krüger, Martens, Muench, Rallaye, Scheffer-Boichorst, Seeberg, Steuchus, Tacut, Valla, Walther, Wieland, Zeumer.
5. Dream concerning the Founding of Constantinople. "As Constantine was sleeping in this city [Byzantium], he imagined that there stood before him an old woman whose forehead was furrowed with age; but that presently, clad in an imperial robe, she became transformed into a beautiful girl, and so fascinated his eyes by the elegance of her youthful charms that he could not refrain from kissing her; that Helena, his mother, being present, then said, She shall be yours forever; nor shall she die till the end of time.' The solution of this dream, when he awoke, the emperor extorted from heaven, by fasting and alms-giving. And behold, within eight days, being cast again into a deep sleep, he thought he saw Pope Silvester, who died some little time before, regarding his convert with complacency, and saying, You have acted with your customary prudence in waiting for a solution from God of that enigma which was beyond the comprehension of man. The old woman you saw is this city, worn down by age, whose time-struck walls, menacing approaching ruin, require a restorer. But you, renewing its walls, and its affluence, shall signalize it also with your name; and here shall the imperial progeny reign forever'" (William of Malmesbury, Chronicle, tr. English. Lond. 1847, p. 372-3. The final section, which instructs Constantine how to lay out the city, is omitted). This is taken by the Chronicler from Aldhelm's (d. 709) de laudibus virginitatis (c. 52, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 28-29), where, however, instead of kissing her, he much more appropriately "clothes her with his mantle, and puts his diadem adorned with pure gold and brilliant gems on her head." It is given also by Ralph de Diceto (ed. Stubbs, Lond. 1876), 74-75, and probably by many others.
6. Voyage of Helena. A matter-of-fact account of things which are not so, given in Hakluyt's Voyages, 2 (1810), p. 34, is worth giving in the words of the translator: "Helena Flavia Augusta, the heire and onely daughter of Coelus, sometime the most excellent king of Britaine, by reason of her singular beautie, faith, religion, goodnesse, and godly Maiestie (according to the testimonie of Eusebius) was famous in all the world. Amongst all the women of her time there was none either in the liberall arts more learned, or in the instruments of musike more skilfull, or in the divers languages of nations more abundant than herselfe. She had a naturall quicknesse of wit, eloquence of speech, and a most notable grace in all her behaviour. She was seene in the Hebrew, Greeke, and Latin tongues. Her father (as Virumnius reporteth) had no other childe,...had by her a sonne called Constantine the great, while hee remained in Britaine...peace was granted to the Christian churches by her good meanes. After the light and knowledge of the Gospel, she grew so skilfull in divinity that she wrote and composed divers bookes and certaine Greeke verses also, which (as Ponticus reporteth) are yet extant...went to Jerusalem...lived to the age of fourscore years, and then died at Rome the fifteenth day of August, in the yeere of oure redemption 337...Her body is to this day very carefully preserved at Venice."
7. The Finding of the Cross. It is said in a certain "tolerably authentic chronicle," according to Voragine, that Constantine sent his mother Helena to Jerusalem to try to find the cross on which our Lord was crucified. When she arrived, she bade all the Jewish Rabbis of the whole land gather to meet her. Great was their fear. They suspected that she sought the wood of the cross, a secret which they had promised not to reveal even under torture, because it would mean the end of Jewish supremacy. When they met her, sure enough, she asked for the place of the crucifixion. When they would not tell, she ordered them all to be burned. Frightened, they delivered up Judas, their leader and instigator, saying that he could tell. She gave him his choice of telling or dying by starvation. At first he was obstinate, but six days of total abstinence from food brought him to terms, and on the seventh he promised. He was conducted to the place indicated, and in response to prayer, there was a sort of earthquake, and a perfume filled the air which converted Judas. There was a temple of Venus on the spot. This the queen had destroyed. Then Judas set to digging vigorously, and at the depth of twenty feet, found three crosses, which he brought to Helena. The true cross was tested by its causing a man to rise from the dead, or according to others, by healing a woman, or according to others, by finding the inscription of Pilate. After an exceedingly vigorous conversation between the devil and Judas, the latter was baptized and became Bishop Cyriacus. Then Helena set him hunting for the nails of the cross. He found them shining like gold and brought them to the queen, who departed, taking them and a portion of the wood of the cross. She brought the nails to Constantine, who put them on his bridle and helmet, or according to another account, two were used in this way, and one was thrown into the Adriatic Sea. It is interesting to trace the melancholy consequences of this particular enterprise of Constantine's in the sad death of St. Cyriacus née Judas. The Emperor Julian, the apostate, "invited" him to sacrifice to idols. When he refused, melted lead was poured into his mouth; then an iron bedstead was brought, on which he was stretched, while a fire was built underneath and the body of the martyr larded with salt and fat. The saint did not budge, and Julian had a deep well dug, which was filled with venomous serpents. But contact with the saint killed the serpents, and a cauldron of boiling oil succeeded. Julian was so angry at the alacrity and cheerfulness of the saint's preparations for this bath, that he killed him with a blow of his sword. There is some consolation in the thought of this premature death, in the fact that, unless his claim that he was nephew to Stephen, the Proto-martyr, be disallowed, he had reached a ripe old age of two hundred and fifty years or thereabouts. The literature on this legend is very great. The finding of the cross is mentioned as early as Cyril of Jerusalem (ab. 347-350), within twenty-five years of the visit of Helena recorded by Eusebius (V. C. 3. 26), and with great frequency afterwards. The failure of any mention by Eusebius seems, however, conclusive against any finding, or pretended finding, at the time of Helena's famous visit, though the contrary is acutely argued by Newman. The finding and use of the nails is often separated from the other, and is found in many of the sources on Constantine. But even those who believe in the miracle of the finding of the cross will hardly vouch for the story in the above form, which is substantially that of Voragine. Compare Sinker's article, Cross, Finding of, in Smith and Cheetham, Dict. 1 (1880), 503-506; Jameson, Hist. of Our Lord, 2 (1872) 385-391; Newman, Essays on Miracles (Lond. 1875) 287-326; and especially Voragine, whom see under Sources. Under the article Helena, in Smith & W. is a sub-article by Argles on the Invention of the Cross, which gives an admirable abstract of the sources in order. These examples of the stories which have gathered around the name of Constantine do not begin to exhaust the list. The interesting tales of the sword of Constantine presented to Athelstan (Reg. Malms. 1, 1879, p. 55, 468; Eul. Hist. 3, 1863, p. 12), his conversion through remorse, and the whole series of allusions and stories in mediæval fiction and poetry must be passed here. If any one has the curiosity to follow them up, he will find the references in the articles of Heydenreich a good guide to literature. A few stories, like that of Constantine and Tiridates, one hesitates to class among the wholly fictitious (compare, under Sources, Agathangelos, Zenobius, and Faustus).
Chapter V Sources and Literature. §1. Introduction The insertion in such a work as this of what seems almost technical in its character has this twofold purpose: first, to give a glimpse of the grounds of our knowledge of Constantine, with a view of how far and in what directions it has been worked out through literature; second, to serve the expressed purpose of this series, of encouraging farther study in its lines. The very knowledge of what the sources are, and their character, apart from any special study of them, gives a width of horizon and definiteness of conception to the general student, which can hardly be gotten in any other way; while for any one who plans farther study in any line, it is of first importance to find the what and where of his material.
§2. Sources. Remembering the class of students for which the series is chiefly intended, effort has been made to refer to translations of sources where they are at hand, and to refer to the best accessible English authorities on them. But the plan has been to refer to the source itself in the edition actually used, and for literature on them to choose the best for ready reference. Both editions and authorities on sources are therefore selections, usually from many, of such as seem most directly useful. The intention has been to guide to all frequently mentioned sources, whether they were of great value or not, since a useless one costs often quite as much trouble to hunt up and find useless, as a good one to use. It is hardly to be hoped that all the sources often referred to have been gathered, but the following list represents pretty much all that are worth mentioning, and some which are not.
1. Inscriptions, coins, medals, &c. In some sense these are the most reliable of sources, in spite of counterfeits. A large number will be found collected in Clinton. For farther critical study, compare the collections, great and small; for which, with the matter of inscriptions in general, see Hicks, E. L., and Hübner, E., in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 13 (1881) 121-133; and Babington, in Smith and Cheetham, 1 (1880) 841-862. Monographs on those relating to Constantine will be found under the names, Cavedoni, Cigola, Eltz, Freherus, Garucci, Harduin, Penon, Revellot, Valois, Westphalen, Werveke, in the Literature of this volume.
2. Laws. These, with their dates, their official nature, their fullness and variety, are primary, and are the only sources recognized by some. They are embodied in the Theodosian and Justinian Codes, and collected from these are edited in Migne, Patrol. Latina, Vol. 8. See under Writings of Constantine, above.
3. Other Writings by Constantine. See under Writings, above, p. 436. With this might perhaps be included also writings to Constantine, like that of Anulinus in Augustinus, Ep. 88.
4. General Literary Sources. Taking in general chronological order, without attempting the impossibility of fixing the exact chronological place, the first group of contemporary sources is that of the Panegyrists (for collected editions, see Engelmann). It was a serious mistake, now recognized, to pass them by as worthless. Like all authentic documents, they have a minimum residuum of undoubted material, which is larger or smaller according to the critical acumen of the investigator. In the case of these, however inflated or eulogistic they may be, the circumstances under which they were spoken give a considerable value. (1) Incerti auctoris Panegyricus Maximiano et Constantino dictus (Paneg. 307). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 609-620. Pronounced at celebration of marriage of Constantine and Fausta, a.d. 307. Besides having the great value of being contemporary evidence, the author shows a certain ingenuity in enlarging on the virtues of the young Constantine, who had few deeds to show, and on the deeds of Maximian, who had few virtues, and has therefore a certain discernible modicum of truth. Compare the Monitum in Migne, Ramsay's article on Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1073-4, and references under Eumenius. (2) Eumenius (310-311). (a) Panegyric (Panegyricus Constantino Augusto). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1884), 619-640. (b) Thanksgiving Oration (Gratiarum Actio Constantino Augusto). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 641-654. Eumenius flourished during the reigns of Constantius, with whom he was in high favor, and Constantine. He was head of the school at Autun. The Panegyric was delivered at Treves, in 310. The authorship of Eumenius has been unwarrantably questioned, on the ground that the flattery and exaggeration of the work are not consistent with his taste and sense; but it would seem that both his exaggeration and his taste have been themselves exaggerated. His praise is hardly more "outrageous" than panegyrics were wont to be,--or are, for that matter; and so far from being "worthless," there is a peculiar deal of interesting, unquestionable, and primary historical evidence. Still, his taste and veracity are not much above that of modern eulogists of living or dead emperors and politicians. The Gratiarum Actio is the official oration of thanks to Constantine in behalf of the citizens of Autun, on account of favors shown them. It was pronounced at Treves in 311. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 92; the Prooemium, in ed. Migne, 619-622; also for editions, Ramsay, article Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1. 1073-4; and for literature, Chevalier. For general account of the Panegyrists, see this article on Drepanius. (3) Incerti Panegyricus Constantino Augusto (Paneg. 313). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 653- . This is usually ascribed to Nazarius, on the ground of style. It was spoken at Treves in 313, and relates mainly to the war with Maxentius. Various details relating to this are of such nature and form as to suggest again that the author is the same as that of the 321 Paneg.,--Nazarius. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1145; the Prooemium in ed. Migne, &c., and literature as under Eumenius, above. (4) Nazarius. (321) Panegyric (Panegyricus Constantino Augusto dictus). In ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 581-608. Nazarius is mentioned by Jerome as a distinguished rhetorician. This oration was delivered at Rome in 321. Constantine was not present. It is superlatively eulogistic, but like the related panegyrics contains many historical facts of greatest value. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1145, the Monitum, in Migne, and references under Eumenius. In the midst of the period which these cover comes one of the two great Christian sources, and he is followed by a considerable row of great and small Christians during the century. (5) Lactantius (ab. 313-314). On the Deaths of the Persecutors (De M. P.). Ed. Fritsche (Lips. 1842), 248-286; ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 7 (Par. 1844), 157-276; tr. in T. & T. Clark Library, 22 (Edinb. 1871), 164-211, and in Ante-Nicene Fathers (Buffalo and N.Y.), 300-326 [Lord Hailes' translation]. There are many editions in collected works, and about a dozen separate, and many translations,--in all a hundred or more editions and translations. There has been much controversy regarding the author of this work, but there is little doubt that it was Lactantius. Ebert (Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1. 83) claims to have demonstrated the fact, and most of the later writers agree. The work was composed after the edict of Constantine and Licinius, and before the break between the two, i.e. 313-314. It was written thus in the midst of things, and has the peculiar historical value of a contemporary document, unprejudiced by later events. It is a sort of psalm of triumph, colored by the passionate rejoicing of one persecuted over the Divine vengeance which has come upon the persecutors. "In the use of the work the historian must employ great critical discernment" (Ebert, in Herzog, 8 , 365). But granted all his prejudice, the facts he witnesses are of first value. Compare Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, 3 (1882), 613-617; Teuffel, Hist. Rom. Lit. 2 (1873), 334; Ebert, in Herzog, Encyk. 8 (1881), 364-366, and Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 83; and for farther literature, Bibliog, Synops. inAnte-Nicene Fathers Suppl. (1887), 77-81. (6) Eusebius (ab. 260-340). I. Ecclesiastical History. 2. Constantine.
3. Chronicle. For 1 and 3 compare Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert at the beginning of this volume, and for 2, Special Prolegomena, p. 466. (7) Optatian (fl. ab. 326). Panegyric, in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19 (1846), 395-432; Letter to Constantine, do. 391-392. Optatian, Porfirius, or Porphyrius, as he is variously called, is dubiously Christian, composed this poem, or series of poems, while in exile, on the occasion of the Vicennalia of Constantine. It dates, therefore, from 325 or 326. It is a most extraordinary aggregation of acrostics, pattern poems, and every possible device of useless, mechanical variety of form, of little value, excepting as a sort of dime-museum exhibition of patience and ingenuity. It consists mainly in calling Constantine flattering names, but contains here and there an historical suggestion. It was accompanied by a letter to Constantine, and drew one from him, and a pardon as well (Hieronymus, Chron.). Compare Wilson, article Porfirius, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 440; article Porphyrius, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 502; and for editions and literature, Engelmann. (8) Athanasius (296-373). Apology against the Arians, and various works, ed. Bened. (1698), 2 v. in 3, fo; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 25-28 (1857), 4 v.; translated in part in Newman, Library of the Fathers, and in Schaff-Wace, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (announced). The works of Athanasius contain various letters of Constantine (see under Works) and much of primary historical value for the latter part of Constantine's reign. So far as it goes, the matter is almost equal to official documents as source. Compare Bright, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 179-203; Schaff, Hist. of Church, 23 (1884), 884-893; and for extensive literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse. (9) Cyril of Jerusalem (ab. 315-386). Catechetical Lectures. In Migne, Patrol Gr. 33 (1857), especially 830. English translations in Newman, Library of Fathers, 2 (1838), one ref. p. 178. Letter to Constantine II. concerning the sign of the cross seen at Jerusalem, c 3. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 33 (1857), 1165-1176, ref. on 1167-1168. Two or three references only to excavation of the cross and building of churches, &c., at Jerusalem. They take significance only in the fact that Cyril is so near the time (the letter was 351 [?], or not many years later), and delivered his lectures in the very church which Constantine had built (sect. 14, 22). Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884) 923-925; Venables, in Smith & W. 1 (1887), 760-763; and literature in Chevalier Schaff, &c.; also editions in Graesse, Hoffmann, &c. (10) Ambrosius of Milan (ab. 340-397). Oration on the Death of Theodosius. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 16 (1866), portion relating to Constantine especially, 1462-1465. Relates chiefly to the Finding of the Cross. Compare Davies, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 91-99; also Chevalier, Engelmann, Schoenemann, &c. (11) Hieronymus (Jerome) (331-420). Chronicle. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 27 (1866). Part relating to Constantine, 493 (497)-500. A translation and continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius, who ends with the death of Licinius. An indispensable but aggravating authority. Compare Salmon, Eusebius, Chronicle of, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 348-355. (12) Augustinus (354-430). Ep. 43, ed. Migne, 33 (1865), 159- , §§4, 5, 20, &c. He gives account of the various Donatist hearings, and speaks of having read aloud from various original documents, including the petition to Constantine, the proconsular acts, the proceedings of the court at Rome, and the letters of Constantine. He speaks of the hearing at Milan. Ep. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 33 (1865), 302-309. This has the text of letter of Anulinus to Constantine and Constantine to Probianus. Eps. 76. 2; 93. 13-14, 16 (which contains account of decree of Constantine that property of obstinate Donatists should be confiscated); 105. 9, 10 (not translated); 141. 8-10 (not translated), in ed. Migne, and tr. English ed. Schaff, contain various matter on the Donatist acts of Constantine. Ad Donatistas post collationem, c. 33, §56; ed. Migne, 43 (1861), 687 (important for dates given). Contra litt. Petil. Bk. II. ch. 92, §205; ed. Migne, 45 (1861), 326. Tr. in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 580-581. Contr. Epist. Parmen. Bk. I. chs. 5-6, §10-11; ed. Migne, 43 (1841), 40-41. Augustine as a source is of primary value, because of the otherwise unknown sources which he uses and quotes. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 988-1028; Maclear, in Smith & W. Dict. 1 (1877), 216-228. For literature see Schaff, Chevalier, Engelmann, and for particular literature of the Donatist portions, Hartranft, in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 369-372; and for editions, see Schoenemann, Graesse, Brunet, Engelmann, Schaff, Hartranft, &c. The equally numerous series of non-Christian writers is headed, in value at least, though not in time, by Constantine's secretary. (13) Eutropius (4th cent.). Abridgment of Roman History, Bk. 10. Multitudes of editions and translations; the ones used are: (Paris, 1539), 63-68; transl. by Watson, (Bohn, 1853), 527-535. Eutropius was secretary to Constantine, and afterwards the intimate of Julian. His testimony, though brief, is of peculiar weight from his position for knowing and from a certain flavor of fairness. It was early remarked (Nicephorus Gregoras) that his praise of Constantine had peculiar force, coming from a heathen and friend of Julian. His dispraise, on the other hand, is conditioned by the fact that he applies it only to the period after Constantine began peculiarly to favor the Christians. He seems to be a cool, level-headed man of the world, unsympathetic with Constantine's religion and, writing from this standpoint, presents a just, candid, reliable account of him. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 126-127; Watson, Notice, in his translations; also for multitudinous editions and translations, and relatively scanty though considerable literature, Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse. (14) Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ (? 2-324). Ed. Jordan and Eyssenhardt, Berol. 1864, 2 v. Contains a few dedications to and mentions of Constantine, for which see Index. Compare Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. tr. Wagner, 2 (Lond. 1873), 320-324. (15) Victor, Sextus Aurelius (fl. 350-400). Cæsars. In ed. Schottius, Antv. Plantin, 1579, p. 97-167. Section on Constantine chiefly, 157-162. Epitome, Antv. 1579. Section on Constantine, p. 49-52. These works, by different authors, have been associated since the time of the above edition with the name of Victor. The former is by him, the latter probably by a slightly later Victor. They use the same sources with Zosimus, but supplement him (Wordsworth). Both are interesting and important, and in Manso's judgment, final where they agree. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1256-1257; Thomas, article Aurelius, in Biog. Dict. (1886), 228; Manso, Leben Const. p. 215; and scanty references in Chevalier. For editions and farther literature, see Engelmann. (16) Praxagoras Atheniensis (4th cent). In Photius, Cod. 62; Ed. Bekker, p. 20; ed. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 2-3. Lived in reign of Constantine (Müller, p. 2). Although a heathen (Photius, Cod, 62), he lauds Constantine above all his predecessors. He wrote various works in the Ionic dialect, among others a "history of the deeds of Constantine the Great, in two books," composed at the age of twenty-two. The fragments or resumé are preserved by Photius, as above. Though brief (three columns), it is a concise mass of testimony. Compare Smith, Dict. 3. 517; also for literature, Chevalier; and for editions, the various editions of Photius in Graesse, Hofmann, Engelmann, &c. (17) Calendarium Romanum Constantini Magni (350). In Petavius, Uranologium (1630), 112-119. Written after 337, and in or before 355, probably in 355. It is authority for the birthday of Constantine, Constantius, &c. Compare Greswell, Origines Kalendariæ Italicæ, 4 (Oxf. 1854), 388-392. (18) Julian the Apostate (331-363). Cæsars. Orations on Constantius and Constantinus, et pass. Ed. Paris, 1630, p. 12-96, 422; Vol. 2, 1-54, passim. Compare also ed. Hertlein, Lips. 1875-76, 2 v. 8vo. Editions and translations are very numerous. (Compare arts. of Wordsworth and Graves; also Engelmann, Graesse, &c. The orations which are panegyrical were delivered (Wordsworth) 355 and 358, and the Cæsars dates from shortly after his accession (in 361). The latter is a satire which has found literary favor, the substantial purpose of which is thought to be a suggestion that he (Julian) is much superior to all the great emperors; but which if one were to venture a guess at its real motive is quite as much a systematic effort to minimize by ridicule the lauded Constantine. The laudatory words of Julian himself in his orations are quite overshadowed by the bitter sarcasms of the Cæsars. As a matter of estimate of the value of this source, there is to be remembered the bitterness of Julian's hostility to Christianity. What to Eusebius was a virtue would to Julian be a vice. In view of his prejudice, everything which he concedes is of primary weight, while his ill-natured gossip carries a presumption of slanderousness. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 2. 40-59; Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 3. 484-525; Graves, in Smith, Dict. 644-655. Compare for endless literature, Wordsworth, Chevalier, Engelmann, 1 (1880), 476-477. (19) Libanius, (314 or 316-391 +). Orations. Ed. Morellus, Par. 1606-1627. Contain a few allusions of more or less interest and historical value, for which, see ed. Morellus, Index volume 2, fol. Qqqv^b. Compare Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 774-776; and for editions and literature, Chevalier, Engelmann, &c. (21) Ammianus Marcellinus (d. ab. 395). Histories. There are many editions, for which compare Engelmann, Graesse, and Wordsworth. Among editions are ed. Valesius (1636) and ed. Eyssenhardt, Berol. 1871. The work was a continuation of Tacitus, but the first thirteen books (including Constantine's period) are best. He says (Bk. 15, ed. Valesius, 1636, p. 56-57) that Constantine investigated the Manichæans and like sects through Musonius, and gives account of the bringing of his obelisk to Rome, perhaps by Constantine (Bk. 17, p. 92-93; compare Parker, Twelve Egypt. Obelisks in Rome, Oxf. 1879, p. 1), and makes other mention, for which see Index to ed. Eyssenhardt, p. 566. Compare Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 1 (1879, 99-101, and for literature, Chevalier (scanty) and Engelmann, 2 (1882), 43-45 (Rich). (22) Eunapius (Anti-Christian) (ab. 347-414). Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists; Ædesius. Ed. Boissonade (Amst. 1822), 19-46 passim. Eunapius was born at Sardis about 347, and died after 414 a.d. (cf. Müller, Fragm. 87). He was a teacher of rhetoric, and besides this work wrote a continuation of the history of Dexippus, extending from 270-404 a.d. Fragments of this are preserved, but none relating to Constantine. Photius (Cod. 77) says that he calumniated the Christians, especially Constantine. With the fragments in Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 11-56, is included also (14-15) a fragment from the Vita Ædes., relating to Sopater. The death of Sopater and the relation of Ablavius to it is given more fully in the Vita Ædes. with various suggestive allusions. Much of his history is supposed to be incorporated in Zosimus, and this gives importance to his name, weight to Zosimus, and light on the hostile position of Zosimus towards Constantine. Cf. Photius, Cod. 77; Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 7-9; Mozley, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 285-286; Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 93; also for further literature and editions, Chevalier and Engelmann. (23) Bemarchius (4th cent.) was of Cæsarea in Cappadocia; wrote the Acts of Constantine in ten books (Suidas, s.v. Bemarchios; cf. Zonaras, p. 386). No portion is preserved. Wrote under Constantius, on whom he is said (Libanius, Orat. ed. Reiske, p. 24) to have delivered a panegyric. Cf. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 3; Smith, Dict. 1 (1859), 482, &c. An early but as yet valueless group is that of Syriac and Armenian sources on the (apocryphal) treaty of Constantine with Tiridates. (24) Zenobius of Klag (fl. ab. 324). History of Daron. French translation from Armenian in Langlois, Coll. Hist. Arm. 1 (1867), 353-355. Like the works of the other Armenian historians, the text of this writer has suffered more or less from corruption. He has two mentions (p. 344 and 351) of Constantine, the latter being an account of the treaty with Tiridates. Compare introduction of Langlois, and literature in Chevalier. (25) Agathangelus (ab. 330). History of the Reign of Tiridates and of the Preaching of St. Gregory the Illuminator, c. 125-127, §163-169; in Acta SS. Boll. Sept. VIII. 320- ; also with French translation from Armenian in Langlois Coll. d. hist. de l'Arm. p. 97- . The work extends for 226-330 a.d. The author was secretary to Tiridates, but the work as we have it is a redaction made, however, not long after, as it was used by Moses of Khorene. This was in turn later (seventh century?) retouched by some Greek hagiographer. This Greek form is extant in mss. at Florence and Paris (cf. editions above), and there is reason to suppose that the extant Armenian is a version from this Greek form. But with its additions of arrantly apocryphal matter, it is hard to tell what is what, and so all considerable mention of the relation of Constantine and Tiridates has been left out of the account of Constantine's life. Yet we must hesitate to put it all down under the mythical; for Tiridates certainly had intercourse with the Romans, and the original form of this life was certainly by a competent hand, and the matter relating to Constantine is in part soberly historical enough. For farther information, compare Davidson on Gregorius Illuminator, in Smith & W., Dict. 2. 737-739; Introduction, Langlois, p. 99-103. (26) Faustus of Byzantium (320-392). Historical Library. French translation from the Armenian in Langlois, Coll. d. hist. Arm. 1. 201-310. There are mentions of Constantine and Tiridates in Bk. 3, chaps. 10 and 21. The work is open to some suspicions of having been tampered with, but Langlois inclines to give it a fairly good character. If genuine, the mention of the treaty with Tiridates would nearly establish it as historical fact. Compare Beauvois Nouv. biog. gén. 17 (1856), 203, and Introduction of Langlois; also, literature in Chevalier. The writers of the following centuries are for the most part Christian, uncertain or religiously unknown, excepting the very pronounced non-Christian who heads the list. (27) Zosimus (fl. ab. 400-450). History. Ed. Bekker (Bonn, 1837), 8vo. Section on Constantine occupying Bk. 2. 8- , p. 72-106. The date of this writer has been put as early as the fourth century and as late as the end of the fifth. It will be safe to divide extremes. He is a heathen who, on the period of Constantine, draws from an anti-Christian and anti-Constantinian source, and who regards the introduction of Christianity as a chief cause of the decline of the Roman Empire (cf. various passages cited by Milligan). He is prejudiced against Christianity with the bitter prejudice of one who finds himself in a steadily narrowing minority, and he is occasionally credulous. But he wrote in a clear, interesting style, without intentional falsifications, and was quite as moderate as the Christian writer (Evagrius 3. 41) who calls Zosimus himself a "fiend of hell." His extended account is therefore of great value among the sources, and especially as it is probably drawn in large measure from the earlier lost work of Eunapius. Compare Milligan, in Smith & W., 4 (1887), 1225-1227: Mason, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1334-1335; also, for literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, and for editions, Engelmann. Anonymus Valesianus (fifth century). Ed. Valesius (Paris, 1636), p. 471-476. This fragment, first published by Valesius in the above editions of Ammianus, is of the highest value for the life of Constantine. It is evidently drawn from various sources, many of which are now lost. The compiler or writer shows a judiciousness and soberness which commends his statements as peculiarly trustworthy. Compare the exhaustive examination by Ohnesorge, Der Anonymus Valesii de Constantino. Kiel, 1885. 8vo. (27) Stephen of Byzantium (ab. 400). Greek Cities. Venet. Aldus, 1502, fol. H. iii. s.v. Naissos. The work is a dictionary of geography, and the fact in these few lines is of first value. Compare Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 904-906. Chevalier, Hoffmann, etc. (28) Sozomen (b. ab. 400). Ecclesiastical History. Ed. Hussey, English translation, London, Bohn, 1855; newly edited by Hartranft in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2 (1890) [in press]. This history covers the period 323-423 (not 439). He draws largely from Eusebius. He has been described rightly (Dowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 31) as relatively inaccurate, rhetorical and credulous. But he works from sources, though mainly from exact ones. For farther discussion, compare Hartranft in volume 2 of this series. Compare also Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 722-723, and literature in Chevalier. (29) Socrates (b. ab. 408). Ecclesiastical History. Ed. Hussey, reprinted with Introduction by Bright, Oxf. 1878. English translation London, Bohn, newly edited by Zenos in volume 2 of this series [in press]. This history covers the period 306-439. It is written with general good judgment, but for Constantine adds little to Eusebius of which it professes to be a continuation. For farther description and discussion, compare Zenos, Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 709-711, and literature in Chevalier. (30) Theodoret (b. ab. 393?-457?). Ecclesiastical History. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 82 (1859), 879-1280. English translation, London, Bohn,
1854. The birth of Theodoret has been placed at various dates, 386, 387, 393, &c., and the exact time of his death (453-458) is equally uncertain. This work reaches from 324 to 429, and is generally regarded as learned and impartial. It gives much concerning Constantine's relations to the Arian controversy and incorporates many documents, which appear to be taken mainly from Eusebius' Life of Constantine. A chief value is, it would seem, for the text of Eusebius. But his very use of documents shows care and gives value. Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 904-919; Newman, Hist. Sketches, 2 (1876), 303-362; Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 881-882; and literature in Chevalier; also for editions, Graesse and Hoffmann. (31) Orosius, Paulus (ab. 417). Histories, Bk. 7, chaps. 26-28. Ed. Migne Patrol. Lat. 31 (1846), 635-1174; section relating to Constantine occupies 1128-1137. For many editions and mss. compare Schoenemann, Bibl. Patr. Lat. 2 (1794), 481-507, and Engelmann, 2 (1882), 441- . It is said (Manso) that Orosius adds nothing to existing material. This is only in part true. At all events, his value as corroboratory evidence is considerable, brief as the work is. Compare Phillott, in Smith & W, 4 (1887), 157-158; Ebert, Gesch. d. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 323-330, and literature in Chevalier and Engelmann. (32) Prosper Aquitanus (403-463+). Chronicle. Ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 51 (1861), 535-606 (8). Portion relating to Constantine, 574-576. The Chronicle extends to 444 or 455. To 326 he depends mainly on Eusebius' Chronicle, and for the rest of our period on the continuation of Hieronymus. Compare Phillott, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 492-497; Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. 2 (Lond. 1873), 482-484; and for literature, editions, &c., Chevalier, Engelmann, &c. (33) Idatius (468+). List of Consuls (Fasti Idatiani). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 51 (1861), 891-914; portion relating to Constantine, 907-908. Idatius lived until after 469. This work, which is not generally acknowledged to be his, although quoted under his name, ends in 468. It contains brief statements of some events under the most significant years. Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), and literature under "Idace de Lamego," in Chevalier. (34) Gelasius of Cyzicus (ab. 450- ). History of the Council of Nicæa. In Labbe, Concilia, 2 (1671), 103-286. There is also an abstract in Photius, Bibl. Cod. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 103 (1860), 293-296. Venables is probably just when he says: "His work is little more than a compilation from the ecclesiastical histories of Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, to which he has added little but what is very doubtful or manifestly untrue." There is a little on Constantine not in those sources, but to try to fix on any of it as authoritative quite baffles one. Still, it is not wholly clear that he did not use sources, as well as his own imagination, in adding to the other sources. It may be said to be "of doubtful value," as source. It is not easy to see what Venables means in saying that the third hook, as we have it, gives only three letters of Constantine. This is true; but the second book, "as we have it," gives several more. Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 621-623. (35) Jacobus of Sarug (452-521). Homily on the Baptism of Constantine. Ed. Frothingham, Roma, 1882. For further information consult the extended study of Frothingham. (25) Philostorgius (b. ab. 468). English translation by Walford (Lond. Bohn, 1855), 425-528. The original work covered the period between 300 and 425. The fragments preserved contain several interesting facts, or fictions, relating to Constantine, some not found elsewhere. Photius and all the orthodox have always called him untrustworthy or worse, and a very unorthodox critic (Gibbon) finds him passionate, prejudiced, and ignorant; but it seems to be agreed that he used some sources not availed of by others. Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1587), 390; Dowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 26-27; and literature in Chevalier. (26) Hesychius Milesius (ab. 500?- ). Origins of Constantinople. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 146-155; also in ed. Orelli (Lips. 1820), 59-73. Hesychius, surnamed Illustris, of Miletus lived in the early part of the sixth century. This work contains several allusions to the founding of the city of Constantine. It seems to have been taken almost word for word in parts by Codinus. Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 12-13; Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 447-448; Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 143-145; also literature in Chevalier, and editions and literature in Engelmann. (27) Cassiodorus (ab. 468-561+). Tripartite History. In Opera, ed. Garetius, 1 (Rotom. 1679, fol.), b 1-b 372. On Constantine, especially p. 207-243. (Same ed. in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 69 , 879-1214.) Cassiodorus was born about 468 and lived to be more than ninety-three years old. This work is an epitome of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, and has no additional value as source. A work on the Goths has been preserved to us only in an epitome by Jordanes. See Jordanes. Compare Young, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 416-418, or (better for this work) Ramsay, in Smith, 1 (1859), 623-625; and for literature and editions, Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse, etc. (28) Lydus, Joannes (Laurentius) (490-550+). De Mensibus; De Magistratibus; De Ostentis, passim. Ed. Bekker, in Corp. Hist. Byz. (1837). Other editions of the various works may be found noticed in Graesse, Trésor, 4 (1863), 122; Brunet, Manuel, 3 (1862), 880; Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. 1 (1880), 478-479; Hoffmann, Lex. He was born at Philadelphia in 490, and lived some time after 550. He was a heathen, but respectful toward Christianity (Photius, Cod. 180). He mentions Constantine ten or a dozen times; e.g. his foundation of Constantinople (De O. 21. 5), Constantine's learning and military skill (De mag. 3. 53), and quotes (De magistr. 3. 33, ed. Bonn., p. 226), Constantine's own writings. Compare Photius, Cod. 180; Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 600; Hase, Pref. and in ed. Bekker; Joubert, in Nouv. biog. gén. (Hoefer), 32 (1860), 388-391; and for farther literature, Chevalier and the article of Joubert, and Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. 1 (1880), 479. (29) Jordanes (or Jornandes) ( -551?). History of the Goths, (De Getarum origine et rebus gestis). In Cassiodorus, Opera, ed. Garetius, 1 (Rotom. 1679), 397-425; same ed. in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 69 (1865), 1251-1296. This work on the Goths is said by its author to be an epitome of the work of Cassiodorus. It says (p. 406-407) that Constantine employed Goths in his campaign against Licinius, and also in the building of Constantinople. It was composed in 551 or 552 (cf. Wattenbach, Deutschland's Geschichtsq. 1 , 66). Compare Hodgkin, in Encycl. Brit. 13 (1881), 747-749; Acland, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 431-438 (exhaustive); and abundant literature in Chevalier, Engelmann, Wattenbach, &c.; also editions in Engelmann, "Potthast. Bibl. hist. med. æv. 1862, p. 102," &c. (30) Anonymous, qui Dionis Cassii historias continuavit (sixth century?). 14. Licinius (18 lines); 15. Constantinus (9 lines). In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 199; of especially Introd. in Müller, p. 191-192. These were first published by Ang. Mai in Script. Vet. Nov. Call. 2, 135-, 527-, and are found also in various editions of Dion Cassius; e.g. ed. Sturz. 9 (Spz. 1843). Mai strongly inclines to suspect that Johannes Antiochenus is the author, but this Müller (p. 191) argues to be impossible. They are sometimes referred to as Excerpta Vaticana. Petrus Patricius and various others have been suggested as authors, but all that is affirmed with any assurance is that the author was a Christian. This is on the ground of Diocletianus, 1 (p. 198). The fragments are very brief, but contain several little facts and turns not found elsewhere. (31) Evagrius (536?-594+). Ecclesiastical History, 3. 40-41. English translation (1709), 472-474. A violent invective against and disproval of the charges of Zosimus against Constantine and adds nothing to historical facts. Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 423-424. (32) Procopius Cæsariensis (fl. 547-565). Histories. Ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1833-1838, 3 v. Two or three slight mentions, of which the nearest to any account is the division of the empire by Constantine, and the founding of Constantinople (De bel. Vand, 1. 1). He flourished from about 547 to 565. Whether he was Christian or heathen is uncertain. He is characterized by peculiar truthfulness (cf. his De ædif. 1; Praf. ed. Bonn, v. 3, 170-, and Milligan). Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 487-488; Plate, in Smith, Dict. 3, 538-540; also for literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, 1. 655; and for editions, Milligan, Plate, and the various bibliographies. (33) Petrus Patricius (fl. 550-562). Fragments. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 189. Gives account of an embassy of Licinius to Constantine. Compare Means, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 226-227; also Chevalier and Hoffmann. (34) Gregory of Tours (ab. 573-594). History of the Franks, 1. 34. Ed. Ruinart (Paris, 1699), 27, &c. (?) History of the Seven Sleepers, do. 1272-1273, &c. Liber miraculorum, do. 725-729. The edition of Ruinart is reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Lat. vol. 71 (1867). In the first of these he quotes as authorities, Eusebius and Junius; the latter are full of legendary matter. Compare Buchanan, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 771-776; also for editions and literature, Engelmann, Chevalier, and Graesse. (35) Chronicon Paschale (ab. 630 a.d.) Ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1832, 2 v.; section relating to Constantine occupies vol. 1, p. 516-533. Ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 92 (Paris, 1865). The work is a chronicle of the world from the creation until 630. It has been thought, but on insufficient grounds (cf. Salmon), that the first part ended with a.d. 354 and was written about that time. It is really a homogeneous work and written probably not long after 630 a.d. (Salmon). It is frequently quoted, unfortunately, as Alexandrian Chronicle (e.g. M'Clintock and Strong Cycl.). The chief value is the chronological, but the author has used good sources and presumably some not now extant. It has something the value of a primary source of second rate. Compare Salmon, In Smith & W. 1. (1877), 509-513; Clinton, Fasti. Rom. 2 (1850), 169; Ideler, Handb. d. Chron. 2 (1826), 350-351, 462-463; and for literature and editions, Salmon. (36) Anonymous Acts of Metrophanes and Alexander (seventh century?), "in which is contained also a life of the emperor Constantine the Great." In Photius, Cod. 256; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 104 (1860), 105-120. A more complete recession of this anonymous piece was edited by Combefis, who regards it as the work of a contemporary, written therefore in the middle of the fourth century (cf. his Hist. Mon. p. 573, teste Fabricius). The authentic details can be traced word for word, according to Tillemont, in other historians, while impossible statements show it to be not the work of a contemporary. It seems to fall under the class of works where "What is true is not new, and what is new is not true," but it can hardly be regarded as sufficiently determined whether or no it is worthless. Compare Tillemont, Mém. 7 (1732), 657; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. 9 (1737), 124 and 498; Acta. SS. Nov. 1. (37) Johannes Antiochenus (fl. 610-650). Chronological History. Fragments in Müller, 4 (1868), 535 (8)-622; Fragm. 168-169, on Constantius and Galerius, and 170-171a, on Constantine, p. 602-603. This writer is to be distinguished from Johannes Malalas, also known as Johannes Antiochenus. He flourished somewhere between 610-650 (Müller, p. 536). The sections relating to Constantine are in the main exactly correspondent to Eutropius. It has been conjectured (Müller, p. 1538) that Eutropius and Johannes copied from a common Greek source; but the curious error in the section on Constantine (p. 603), by which "commodæ" is converted into a proper name, and becomes the name of the sister whose son Constantine put to death, shows it to have been translated from the Latin. The work of Johannes has, however, some interesting suggestions and additions; e.g. its paraphrase of the word "dubius" in the characterization of Constantine's conduct towards his friends. Compare Müller, p. 535-538; Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 587; also article of Stokes, and other literature under Malalas. (38) Malalas (= John of Antioch) (ab. 700). Chronography, Bk. 13, 1-11. Ed. Dindorf (Bonnæ, 1831); in Corp. scr. hist. Byz. (section on Constantine, p. 316-324); also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 97 (Par. 1865), 1-70. Earlier editions are, Oxf. 1691, 8^o; Venice, 1733, fol. [reprint of 1691, "quite useless"]. Lived about 700 (Müller, Fragm. 4 , 536), or about 650 (Chevalier, 1205). He has been placed as late as ninth century (Hody), and as early as 601 (Cave). Noting is known of his personal history. He is to be distinguished from the John of Antioch in Müller's Fragm. who is earlier than Malalas. He is very credulous and inaccurate and the section on Constantine is no exception to the rule. Compare Prolegomena of Hody and Dindorf; Stokes, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 787-788, &c.; and farther literature in Chevalier, Rép. 1205; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. gén. 32 (1060), 1007, and the article of Stokes. (39) Pseudo-Isidore (eighth cent.?). Decretals. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 130 (1853), 245-252. The famous "Donation of Constantion," which appears here for the first time. See under The Mythical Constantine. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 268-733; and for literature, Chevalier under Isidore Mercator; also the literature of the Donation. (40) Theophanes (758-818). Chronography. Ed. Classen, Bonn. 1839-41, 2 v. Section on Constantine occupying vol. 1, p. 10-51; also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 108 (186). This work "is justly regarded as one of the most important in the whole series of Byzantine historians" (Dowling, p. 69). Theophanes was friend of Georgius Syncellus; and at his request (Proem. p. 5) took up the latter work at the point where he left off (Diocletian), extending it to 811. He is an authority of judgment and weight for matters relating to his own times, and on quite a different level of historical character from Cedrenus and Zonaras. Although of very much less value for Constantine, he shows even here a certain historical judgment and discrimination. His book is an intelligent work from various sources, one of which is Eusebius. He says that he has diligently examined many works, and reports nothing on his own authority, but on the authority of ancient historiographers and "logographers" (Proem. p. 5). Compare Dowling Introd. (Lond. 1838), 69-70; Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3. 1082-1083; Gass, in Herzog, Real Enc. 15 (1885), 536-537; Acta sanctorum Boll. March 12; and for (extensive) literature, Chevalier. (41) Anastasius Bibliothecarius (d. 879). Lives of the Roman Pontiffs. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 127-128 (1852). 34. S. Silvester, vol. 127, 1511-1527. Small use. Compare Schaff, Hist. of the Church, 4 (1885), 774-776; and for literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse. (42) Photius (ninth cent.). Bibliotheca. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. vols. 103-104 (1860). Contains excerpts from and comments on Praxagoras, Eunapius, Gelasius, Anon. Metroph., and Eusebius, which see. Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 636-642; Means, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 347-355. (43) Constantinus Porphyrogenitus (c. VII.) (fl. 911-959). De thematibus. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1840), 1-64, in Corp. scr. hist. Byz.; and in ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 113 (1864), 63-140. Gives (2. 8, ed. Bonn. p. 57-58) account of division of the empire among his sons by Constantine. He also mentions in his De cer. aul. Byz. (ed. Reiske, Bonn. 1829; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 112); e.g. the "cross of Constantine" several times mentioned, and gives a few facts of archæological interest. Constantinus VII was emperor 911-959. Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 1. 349-351; Ceillier, 12 (1862), 811-813; and for farther literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, 1 (1880), 249; also for editions, Plate, who has admirable survey. (44) Leo Diaconus (tenth century). Histories, 5. 9 and 8. 8. In ed. Hase (Bonn. 1828), p. 91 and 138. Mentions the foundation of a city, the vision of the cross, the Scythian wars, and burial in the Church of the Apostles at Constantinople, and characterizes him as "among emperors the one renowned in story" (8. 8). For other editions, compare Brunet, Graesse, Hoffmann, and Engelmann. He lived from about 950 to at least 993. He was used by Scylitzes (cf. Cedrenus) and perhaps Zonaras. "Style vicious," and "knowledge...of ancient history is slight" (Means). Compare Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 743-744; M'Clintock and Strong, Encycl. 5 (1875), 351; Hase, Præf.; and for literature, Chevalier. It is by some stretching of the term that many of those dating before the year 1000 are admitted as sources. Some contribute hardly a single fact not in other sources. This is still more true of the period following, but this period is especially rich in sources of historical fictions--and these must be considered. So the Byzantine historians to the invention of printing are given, and some Western writings, which contain relevant matter. (45) Zonaras, Johannes (1042-1130?). Chronicle. Ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 134-135 (Par. 1864). The section relating to Constantine occupies Vol. I. 1097-1118, Bk. 13, chs. 1-4; cf. also end of Bk. 12. The ed. Pinder, Bonn. 1841-1844, 2 v., is unfinished, containing only twelve books. It has since been edited by Dindorf, Lips. 1868-1875, 6 v. Bk. 13 is in Vol. 3 (1870). This work consists of eighteen books extending from the beginning of the world until 1118. Zonaras draws, for Christian period, from Eusebius, Philostorgius, &c., with some discernment, and so deserves a tolerably high place among the Byzantine historians (Zöckler). He incorporates a choice variety of fables, but gives more or less facts which seem to be facts. He actually adds almost nothing to the sources of Constantine, though there are certain facts over which one lingers a little before relegating to the great class of "interesting, if true." Compare Smith, Dict. 3. 1331; (Zöckler), in Herzog, Real Enc. 17 (1886), 555-556; and for (rich) literature, Zöckler, Chevalier, and Engelmann, 1 (1880), 798. (46) Cedrenus, Georgius (ab. 1057). Compendium of History. Ed. Bekker, Bonn. 1838-1839, 2 v., the section relating to Constantine occupying Vol. I, p. 472-520 et pass. Also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 121-122 (Par. 1864). Nothing is known of his personal history. The work is a chronicle from the beginning of the world until 1057 a.d. He mentions as his chief sources Georgius Syncellus, "until the time of Maximianus and Maximinus," and from this point Theophanes, Siculus, Psellus, and others (cf. p. 4; cf. also Glycas. Chron., ed. Bonn. p. 457), and claims to have collected facts not in these sources. He mentions the work of Joannes Thracesius, or Curopalates, who is probably Scylitzes, whose work corresponds so exactly with that of Cedrenus in parts as to suggest the one or the other a better copier than compiler. The statement of Ceillier is that Cedrenus copied the work of Scylitzes for the period 811-1057, and that Scylitzes afterwards continued his work to 1081; i.e. there was a double edition of the work of Scylitzes, and Cedrenus wrote between. But Means (p. 760) thinks otherwise, and gives good reasons, making one edition and placing Cedrenus' work later, i.e. after 1081. The "additional facts" are few, the compilation is uncritical and credulous; but the work is recognized as a source to be consulted, though with greatest critical care. Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 1. 658; Ceillier, 13 (1863), 560; Means, Scylitzes, in Smith, Dict. 3. 759-762; and for literature, Chevalier, under the words Cedrene and Scylitzes. (47) Pseudo-Leo. Chronography, under Constantius Chlorus and Constantinus Magnus. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1842), p. 83-90. In Corp. scr. hist. Byz. from Cramer, Anecd. gr. bibl. reg. Par. 2 (1839), 243-379. It is published as the first part of the Chronography of Leo Grammaticus, because assigned to him by the catalogues of the ms. at Paris. It is thought by Cramer, however, not to be by him, but to be "compiled from various writers,--Cedrenus, Joannes Antiochenus, Chronicon Paschali, and perhaps others which are lost" (cf. Cramer, Anecd. gr. 2. 243-379, quoted by Bekker, Præf. iii.-iv.). In this section the author quotes Socrates and Eusebius, but uses other and some unusual sources. While one hesitates to lay much weight on an author of such unknown age and personality, and which contains obvious errors, yet it carries the conviction of a certain moderate weight. Many passages are identical, almost word for word, with Cedrenus. In one of these passages the author refers to Socrates as his authority, while there is no such mention in Cedrenus. They may have taken from the same source. At all events, this work appears on its face much more like sober history than do Cedrenus and Zonaras. Its absolute value as source is very slight. Compare Preface of Bekker. (48) Attaliata, Michael (ab. 1072). History. Ed. De Presle and Bekker, Bonn. 1853. 8°. He mentions (p. 217, also p. 222) half a dozen things relating to Constantine; that he was reckoned among the apostles, the sign of the cross, &c., but nothing of value, unless (p. 222) the transposition of a colony from Iberia to Assyria (?). Compare Præf. of De Presle, also Graves, in Smith, Dict. 1. 409, who, however, does not mention this work; and for literature, Chevalier and De Presle, p. 7-8. (49) Anna Comnena. Alexias. Ed. Schopen-Reifferscheid, Bonn. 1839-1878. Mentions among two or three other deeds, a statue which this "father and lord of the city" had made over for him (12. 4), and that he has been counted among the apostles (14. 8). Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 1. 179; Klippel, in Herzog, 1 (1877), 427-429, &c. (50) Glycas, Mich (after 1118). Chronicle (or Annals). Ed. Bekker, Bonn. 1836; the section relating to Constantine occupies p. 460-468, ed. Migne, 158 (Par. 1866), 1-958. This work of Glycas extends from the beginning of the world to a.d. 1118. Though "justly placed among the better Byzantine historians" (Plate), for the period of Constantine he is one of the worst. His critical judgment seems to incline to the selection of the most unhistoric. He gives at end of preceding section a description of the work of Scylitzes (cf. Cedrenus), and quotes in it a work of Alexander on the Invention of the Cross. Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 2. 277; Joubert. in Nouv. biog. gén. (Hoefer), 20 (1857), 845-846; and for literature, Chevalier; also for editions, Hoffmann. (51) Nicetas Choniatas (Acominatus) (1150-1216+). History. Ed. Bekker, in Corp. scr. hist. Byz. Bonn. 1835, 8°; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 139 (1865), 282-1088 (=Mai, Bibl. nov. patr. 6. ?). Thesaurus, in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 139-140 (1865), 1087-1443, 1-282 (=Mai, Spicil. Rom. v. 4). Born about 1150, and lived until 1216 at least. Gives in his History two or three things which relate to "the first and mightiest among Christian emperors" (De Is. Aug. 3. 7, ed. Bonn. p. 583); e.g. the tale of the nails from the cross (do. p. 584), and the despoiling of his tomb (De Al. Is. Aug. 1. 7, p. 632); also a few in the Thesauri, e.g. his conciliation to Arianism through his sister and her friend, the Arian presbyter (6. 3 and 6), and various matters relating to the Arian controversy (mainly in Bk. 5), where he uses the familiar sources,--Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Philostorgius, &c, but also some other less familiar ones. Compare Worman, in M'Clintock and Strong, Cyclop. 7 (1877), 54-55; Plate, in Smith, Dict. 2. 1182-1183; Ullmann, in Stud. u. Krit. (1833), 674-700; Gass, in Herzog, 10 (1882), 540-541, and abridged in Schaff-Herz. 2. 1652. Compare for literature, the above and Chevalier; and for editions, Worman, Plate, Brunet, Graesse, Hoffmann, &c. (52) Gregoras, Nicephoras (1295-1359). Byzantine History, Bks. 1-37. Ed. Shopen (v. 1-2) and Bekker (v. 3), Bonn. 1829, 1830, and 1855. In Corp. scr. hist. Byz.; ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 148-149 (1865). Mentions incidentally half a dozen facts relating to foundation of Constantinople (10.1; 14. 3, &c.), his destruction of idolatry (19. 1), treatment of the Jews (26. 15), and enlargement of empire (26. 37). He was born 1295, and died after 1359. Was more learned but less judicious than Cantacuzenus (Plate). Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 2. 304-306; Joubert, in Nouv. biog. gén. 21 (1857), 889-891; also for literature, Chevalier, and for editions, Plate and Joubert. (53) Ephræmius (fourteenth century). Cæsars (?). Constantinus. Ed. Bekker, Bonn. 1840, 8°; section on Constantine occupies p. 21-25; ed. Migne, 143 (Par. 1865), 1-380. It was first edited by Mai, Scr. vet. nov. coll. 3 (1828), 1-225 (Dowl.). This metrical chronicle introduces one or two fables, but is in the main at least semi-historical, but its additional facts give no impression of having special sources,--in brief, it is scarcely a source, rather literature. Compare Smith, Dict. 2. 28; Bonneau, in Nouv. biog. gén. (Hoefer) 16 (1856), 127; Mai, Præf. in ed. Bekker, also ed. Migne. Compare for literature, Chevalier. (54) Cantacuzenus, Joannes. Angelus Comnenus Palæologus (d. 1375+). Histories. Ed. Schopen, Bonn. 1828-1832, 3 v.; also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 153-154 (Dowl. 1866). Speaks of Constantine as a model of clemency (4. 2; ed. Bonn. v. 3, p. 18) worthy to be compared with the apostles (3. 92), and as led by the spirit of God like David (4. 48; ed. Bonn. v. 3, p. 351), and mentions the time (in May) when his memory is celebrated (4. 4; 3. 92), but has hardly a half-dozen mentions and fewer facts of interest or value. He reigned 1342-1355, abdicated, and lived until after 1375. Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 579-581; and for farther literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, also for editions. (55) Nicephorus Callistus (d. ab. 1450). Ecclesiastical History, 7. 17-18, 55. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 145-147. Bk. 7 is in 145, and Bk. 8 in
146. This late history, not so bad as some in style, but full of legendary matter, was compiled from the standard existing historians, and perhaps some others. The portions on Constantine are taken almost wholly from Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, and other existing historians. Compare Schaff, Church Hist. 3 (1884), 883-884; Plate, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1180-1181; Dowling, Introd.(1838), 91-93. (56) Monody on the Younger Constantine (ab. 1450). Ed. Frotscher, Anon. Græci oratio funebris, Freiberg i. S., 1855. This work has not been seen, but according to Seeck (Ztschr. f. Wiss. Theol. 1890, p. 64) and Wordsworth (p. 630) this edition contains the result of a study by Wesseling, which shows that this work, referring to an anonymous emperor, does not refer to Constantine II. at all, but to some ruler who belongs in the fifteenth century. Compare Seeck and Wordsworth for editions. (57) Codinus (d. ab. 1453?). Excerpts on the origins of Constantinople. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1843). For other editions, compare articles of Plate and the Nouv. biog. gén. Contains considerable relating to Constantine, especially respecting the founding of Constantinople, and the buildings and statues in it. Mainly compilation, or compilation from compilation, but is from partly lost sources and far from unnecessary. He died about 1453 (?). Compare Plate, in Smith, Dict. 1 (1859), 810-811; Nouv. biog. gén. 11 (1855), 24-25; and for literature, Chevalier. (58) Ducas (fl. 1450-1460 a.d.) gives "From the incarnation until Constantine the Great, 318 years," and speaks of a church restored by him. Ed. Bekker, in Corp. scr. hist. Byz. (1834), p. 13 and 48. (59) Geoffrey of Monmouth (d. 1154). British History. English translation (Lond. Bohn, 1848), 162- . The passage relating to Constantine covers a number of pages, and is ninety-five per cent fiction, five per cent fact. Compare Tedder, in Stephen, Dict. of Nat. Biog. 21 (1890), 133-135. Various of the old chronicles are only translations or paraphrases of this; e.g. the Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft (ed. Wright, Lond. 1866, p. 76-78), various Welsh, Anglo-Saxon, and French chronicles, Waurin's Recueil des Chroniques (ed. Hardy, Lond. 1864), although Hardy maintains that neither Waurin or any of the other versions are real translations, but says there is some lost common source. (60) Henry of Huntingdon (1135). History of the English. Ed. Arnold, Lond. 1879, 8°, p. 29-31. Engl. translation, Lond. Bohn, 1853, p. 28-29. This is written from generally good sources, notably Eutropius, and means to be historical; but its mythical details--e.g. Helena, a British princess, Constantine cured of leprosy--make it useless. Compare Forester, Preface to translation; Wright, Biog. Brit. Lit. 2 (1846), 167-173. (61) William of Malmesbury (1137). Chronicle of England. English translation, Giles (Lond. Bohn, 1847), 6. Mentioned as a source because often quoted in literature. He ascribes to Constantine the introduction of the British settlement in France. Compare Wright, Biog. Brit. Lit. 2 (1846), 134-142. (62) Diceto, Ralph de (d. 1202?). Abbreviated Chronicles. Ed. Stubbs, Lond. 1876; section on Constantine, p. 73-76. This work was composed before 1188. It consists in the main of abstracts from Eutropius, Eusebius, Jerome, and Rufinus, with various mythical details from William of Malmesbury and other sources. Compare Poole, in Stephen, Dict. of Nat. Biog. 15 (1888), 12-14. This is taken from Stubbs, Introduction, q.v. (63) Eulogium Historiarum (ab. 1366). Ed. Haydon, Lond. 1858, 3 v.; section on Constantine, 1. 337-339; 2. 267-268, 332-333; 3. 12, 265. This was probably written by Peter, a monk of Malmesbury (Haydon), about 1366. Compiled from various sources, has familiar facts, but is of no value except for legends. Compare Preface of Haydon. (64) Voragine (1230-1298). Golden Legend. Legend concerning the Invention of the Cross. Ed. Graesse (Lips. 1846, repr. Vratisl. 1890). French translation by Brunet, 2 (1843), 118-116. Early English translation printed by Caxton. A curious mixture of fact and fable, in which legendary is gathered, but all facts are expressed with a curious conscientiousness, or pretended conscientiousness, in quoting authorities. But on Constantine, however, his authorities do not always come to the test of containing what he quotes from them. Compare article Varaggio, in M'Clintock and Strong, Cyclop. 10 (1881), 719, Brunet's Preface and the Proceedings of the American Soc. of Ch. Hist. for 1889. Besides the above-mentioned sources there are many mentions which may be found in the various collections of mediæval documents, such, e.g., as Pertz, Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, which has various interesting chronicles covering the period of Constantine.
§ 3. Literature. In making the following thread to the rich literature on Constantine the plan has been to confine almost wholly to Monographs, since to refer to all histories, encyclopædias, and the like which treat of him would be endless. Only such few analyzed references are introduced as have special reasons. Even with this limit it cannot be at all hoped that the list is exhaustive. Considerable pains has been taken, however, to make it full, as there is no really extended modern list of works on Constantine, excepting, perhaps, Chevalier (Rép. des sources hist. du Moyen Age). The effort was made to see each work referred to personally, but the libraries of London, Oxford, Berlin, Paris, could not supply them, and after a good deal of search in other libraries and more or less successful effort to purchase, there is still a considerable portion which has not been seen. The editor has tried in vain to decide in various instances whether præses or respondent is author in certain dissertations. Following is the list: Albani, Jo. Hier. Liber pro oppugnata R. pontif. dignitate & Constantini donatione. Colon. Agrip. 1535, fol.; Romæ, 1547, 4°; Venetiis, 1584, fol. Alexander, Natalis. Hist. eccles. IV. (1778), 345-351 (=Zaccaria, Thes. theolog. VII. 886-900), 431-451. Alford, Mich. Brittania illustrata, s. liber de Lucii, Helenæ, et Constantini patria et fide. Antwerpiæ, 1641. 4°. Altus, Henricus. Donatio Constantini imperatoris facto (ut aiunt) Sylvestro papæ (proes. Joach. Hildebrando). Helmstadii, 1661. 4° (p. 56). Not Hildebrand? Alzog, J. Manual of Universal Church History. Tr. Pabisch and Byrne. Cincinnati, O., 1874. 3 v. 8°, p. 462-476. Relations of Constantine the Great to the Catholic Church. Very Roman Catholic. Andlau, Fr. von. Die byz. Kaiser. Hist.-stud. Mainz, 1865, 8°. Antoniades, Crysanthos. Kaiser Licinius, eine historische Untersuchung nach dem bestern alten und neueren Quellen. München, 1884. 8°. Unfortunately not at hand, but often mentioned with greatest respect by Görres and others. Arbellot. Mémoire sur Ies statues équestres de Constantin placées dans Ies églises de l'ouest de la France. Limoges, 1885. 8°, 34 pp. (Cf. Audiat, Louis, in Bull. soc. arch. Saintonge, 1885. II. v. 186-193, 280-292.) Contains a history of the long archaeological discussion on the subject of the equestrian statue on the facades of various churches in the west of France. Some say it represents Charles Martel, Charlemagne, the founder of the church, the rider who appeared to Heliodorus, Rider of the Apocalypse, St. Martin, St. George or the Church Triumphant. Consult for many titles on the discussion, which it is not worth while to give here. Arrives at the result that the "greater part" represent Constantine. Arendt. Ueber Constantin und sein Verhältniss zum Christenthum. In Theolog. Quartalschr. Tübing. 1834. III. 387. Arrhenius, Laur. Dissertatio historica de Constantino Magno. Upsal.
1719. 4°. ---- ---- Refutatio commenti de donatione Constantini Magni. Upsal.
1729. 8°. Aubé, B. De Constantino imperatore, pontifice maximo dissertatio. Lutetiæ, 1861. 8°, 108 pp. Examines Constantine's attitude toward (1) Pagans, (2) Christians; concludes that, as a matter of fact, he exercised the office of Pontifex Maximus over both. Audiat, Louis. Les statues au portail des églises. In Bull. de la soc. des arch. de la Saintogne. 5 (1884-1885) (1885), 186, 193. Starts out from Arbellot. Gives ten various theories. Mentions various works. This with Arbellot a sufficient apparatus for this topic. Bachmann, P. Wider die Natterzungen,...Dabey ein Antwort auff Constantini Donation, welche der Luther spöttlich nennet den Hohen Artickel des allerheyligisten Bebstlichen glaubens (Dresden), 1538, 4°, (45). p. Examines whether the Donation is "ein Teuffelische lügen und Gottes lasterung (wie sie der Luther nennet)." Baier, Joh. Dav. Disputatio de erroribus quibusdam politicis Constantino Magno imputatis. Jenæ, 1705, 4°. Balduinus, Franc. Constantinus Magnus, sive de Constantini imperatoris Iegibus ecclesiasticis atque civilibus commentariorum libri 2. Basileæ, 1556, 8°; Argent, 1612, 8°; præf. Nic. Hier. Gundling, Lipsiæ-Halæ, 1727, 8°, 235 (23) pp. Bang, A. Chrs. Kirchen og Romerstaten indtil Constantin den Stre. Christiana, 1879, 8°. Baring, Nicol. Dissertatio epistolica de crucis signo a Constantino Magno conspecto. Hannov. 1645, 8°. Baronius. Annales (1590), 306, 16-18, 3-25; 307, 3-15; 312, 7-337, 37; 358, 27. Cf. Pagi, Crit. (1689), 306, 5-307, 14; 311, 9-337, 6; 547, 12. Bartolini, Domenico. Come Costantini Augusti imperatore innalzasse in Roma i primi sacri edifici del culto cristiano. Dissertezione in Atti Accad. Rom. archeol. 12 (1852) 1. 281-308. Opposes the idea that these belong to a period not before Honorius. Separately printed. "Dissertazione...letta nell' Adunanza tenuta. il di 16 di marzo, 1843." pp. 30 (1). Baudot. Dissertation critique sur la famille de Constantin, & en particulier sur Constantin le Jeune. In Magas. encyclop. 6 (1812), 241-274. Under head of Numismatiqueopposes Valois in Acad. Inscr. 1740. The medals do refer to Constantine. Includes a discussion of Constantine's family. Baune, J. de la. Vita Constantini Magni, herausgegeben von A. Jäger. Norimb. 1779, 8°. Bayet, C. La fausse donation de Constantini, examen de quelques théories récentes. In Ann. fac. lett. Lyon, 1884, 1. 3 (1884), 12-44. The donation belongs in second half of eighth century, or first half of ninth. Berthelé, Jos. In Bibl. ec. des Chartes, 46 (1885), 330-331. [Review of Arbellot.] Gives brief analysis, and mentions one statue omitted by Arbellot. Beuste, Joach. V. Oratio de Constantino Magno. Witteb. 1569, 8°. "Extat Tom VI. Orationum Vitemburgensium." bios kai politeia ton hagion theostepton meg?lon basileon kai isapostolon Konstantinou kai Elenes [Mnemeia hagiologica, p. 164] Benetia, 1884, la. 8°. Boehringer. Athanasius u. Arius. 1874, p. 1-53. Boissier. Essais d'histoire religieuse, I. un dernier mot sur les persecutions; II. la conversion de Constantin. In Rev. d. deux mondes (Feb. 1886), p. 790-818, (July) p. 51-72. Bonneau, Alcide. Étude historique. In his edition-translation of Valla's Donation of Constantine. Interesting, and gathers much of what one wants to know first about the Donation. Bonnetty, A. De la donation de Constantin et de la protection qu'il accorda au christianisme. In Annal de Philos. chrèt. (1831), 125-136. Personal conversion a secondary question. It is sufficient to have proved that it was no longer possible for paganism to occupy the throne of the world. Borchmann, Jac. Frid. Dissertatio historico-critica de labaro Constantini Magni. Hafniæ, 1700. 4^o. Bott, Theod. Constantin le Grand et sa position entre le paganisme et le christianisme, essai historico-critique. Colmar, 1874. 8^o, 51 pp. Brieger, Theod. Constantine der Grosse als Religions-politicker. Kirchengeschichtlicher Beitrag. Gotha, 1880. 8^o, 48 pp. Cf. Grisar, in Zeitschr. kath. Theol. 1882, vi. 554-562. Bridges, Matth. Roman Empire under Constantine the Great. London, 1828. 8^o, 467 pp. Broglie, A. de. L'Eglise et L'Empire Romaine au IV. siècle. I. Régne de Constantin. Paris, 1856. 8^o. One of the best and most frequently cited. Brunner, H. In the Festgabe für R. v. Gneist, Berlin, 1888, p. 5 (1)-35. Donation. Buchholz, Sam. Constantin der Grosse in seiner wahren Grösse wirderhergestellt. Berlin, 1772. 4^o. Buddeus. Observ. sel. liter. I. (1700), 370-440. Burckhardt, Jak. Die Zeit Constantin's des Grossen. Basel, 1853. 8^o, 222 pp. Leipzig, 1880. 8^o. For a long time the standard work on Constantine. Unsympathetic, and in a measure unjust. De Burigney. Hist. des Revolutions de l'empire le Constantinople depuis le fondation....Paris, 1750; tr. German, Hamb. 1754. Busæus, Joh. Disputatio theolog. de baptismo Constantini Magni. 4^o. Moguntiæ, 1589. Canonici, Matt. Alois. Proposizioni storico-critiche intorno alla vita dell' imperatore Costantino....4^o. Parma, 1760. Compare Cigola, Vincenzo. Castelli, Ign. Intorno al battesimo di Costantino imper. dissertazione. In La scienza e la fede. 11 (Nap. 1870), 201-219. Caussin, Nicolas. Eques christianus, s. Constantius Magnus. Trad. du franç. par Henri Lamormain. Vienn. 1637, 8^o. Cave. Scr. Eccl. I. (1741), 183-185. Cavedoni, C. Disamina della nuova edizione della Numismatica Costantiniana del P. Raffaele Garrucci d. C. d. G. 19 pp. Extr. dalla Rivista della Numismatica (Olivieri), 2 (1864). Cavedoni. "Recherches critique sur les médailles de Constantin le Grand et de son fils ornées de types et de symboles chrétiens." Modena, 1858. Ceillier. Histoire des auteurs sac. et eccl. 3 (1865), 118-148. Chaulnes, Gabriel de. In Ann. philos. chrét. 5 ser. E. XVI. (1867), 261-271. On the donation of Constantine. Chauner. Influence of Christianity upon the Legislation of Constantine. 1874, 8^o. Chiffletus, Petr. Franc. Dissert....De loco, tempore & cæteris adjunctis conversionis magni Constantini ad fidem christianam....Paris, 1676, 8^o. Church Policy of Constantine the Great. In North British Rev. 1870, LII. 1. Ciampini, Joan. De sacris ædificiis a Constantino Magno constructis synopsis historica. Romæ, 1693, la. 4^o (or fol.), 8 f.-218 p. Cigola, Vincenzo. Proposizioni storico-critiche intorno alla vita dell' Imperatore Costantino (praes. Madama Isabella di Spagna) Vincenzo Cigola Bresciano Convittore nel Regio-Ducal ecclegio de' Nobili ei Parma. Parma, 1760, 4o, 44 pp. Three plates of coins and medals of Constantine and (2) various theses. At end sixteen pages of inscriptions, and three pages of coins and medals (60 pages in all). Civilità Cattolica. Ser. 5, Vol. 10 (1864), 601-609. 1. La frase instinctu Divinitatis nell' arco trionfale di Costantino. 2. Le monete di Costantino, posteriori alla vittoria sopra Massenzio. Clinton, H. F. Fasti Romani, 1 (Oxf. 1845), 348-397; 2 (1850), 86-94. This is a most convenient massing of sources, including groupings of laws and inscriptions. One of the most thoroughly useful of works. Coen, Ach. Di una leggenda relativa alla nascità e alla gioventù di Costantino Magno. In Arch. soc. Romana stor. patria, 1880-1882, IV. 1-55, 293-316, 535-561; V. 33-66, 489-541. Roma, 1882. 8^o, 191 pp. Cf. Rev. d. Quest. hist. 33. 682; Vesselofsky, A. in Romania, 14 (1885), 137-143. Colombier, H. M. La donation de Constantin. In Études relig. hist litt. (1877), 31 year, 5 ser. Vol. II. 801-829. Is worth looking over, as it gathers many of the facts which bear on date. Thinks he has "exact date." "L'origine Romaine n'est guère douteuse" "vers l'an 687," by "clecs mécontents du pape." Combes, Francois. Les liberateurs des nations. Paris, 1874. 8^o, p. 208-229. Constantin Liberateur des Chrétiens. Considérations générales sur le christianisme (iv. s.). L'empereur Constantin. St. Etiénne, 1884. 16^o, 136 pp. Constantin Imp. Byzantini Numismatis argentei Expositio, 1600. Die Constantinische Schenkungsurkunde. I. Brunner, H. Das Constitutum Constantini. II. Zeumer, K. Der älteste Text. Berlin, Springer, 1888. 8^o, 60 pp. "Aus Festgabe f. Rud. v. Gneist." Constantinus Magnus Romanorum imperator Joanne Reuchline Phorcensi interprete. Tubingæ, 1513. 4^o, 23 pp. Contin. Monthly, 6 (1864), 161 (Schaff?). Crackenthorpe, Richard. The Defense of Constantine: with a treatise of the Popes temporall monarchie, Wherein, besides divers passages, touching other Counsels, both General and Proviciall, the second Roman Synod, under Sylvester, is declared to be a meere Fiction and Forgery. London, 1621. 4^o, pp. (16), 283 (1). Ch. 1-7. Seven reasons proving the Synod to be a forgery. Ch. 8. That Constantine made no such donation, and Gretser refuted. Ch. 9. Three reasons to prove that Constantine never made donation. Ch. 10-15. Seven witnesses, four popes, sixteen other witnesses, thrity lawyers, and eight emperors alleged by Marta as witnesses of Constantine's donation examined; also four reasons brought by Marta and Albanus. Consult for older literature relating to the Donation. La crueldad, y Sinrazon | La venuce auxilio y valor, Maxencio y Constantino (coloph.). Barcelona per Carlo Gilbert y Tuto, Impressor y Librerio. Historical drama. Introduces character of Constantine, the younger Constantine, Fausta, &c. Curton, A. de. In Nouv. biog. gén. 11 (1855), 581-595. Cusa, Nicolaus de. De Concordantia Catholica. Judicium de donatione Constantini. Basil, 1568. Cutts, Edw. L. Constantine the Great, the union of the State and the Church. London and New York, 1881. 12^o, XIV. 422 pp. For general, not especially scholarly use. Dalhus. Dissertatio de baptismo Constantini Magni. Hafniæ, 1696 (1698, Vogt.). Demetriades, Kalliop. Die christliche Regierung und Orthodoxie Kaiser Constantin d. Grossen, eine histor. Studie. München, 1878. 8^o, IV. 47 pp. Dieze, Joh. Andr. Dissertatio de forma imperii Romani Constantino Magno recte atque sapienter mutata. Lipsiæ, 1752, 4^o, 34 pp. Döllinger, J. v. Die Papst-Fabeln des Mittelalters. 1863. Cf. Civiltà cattol., ser. 5, v. 10 (1864), 303-330; tr. Ger. Mainz, 1867. gr. 8^o, 34 pp. Döllinger. In Münchener Hist. Jahrb. (1865), 337-. Dudley, Dean. History of the First Council of Nice: A world's Christian convention, A.D. 325; with a life of Constantine. Boston, Dean Dudley & Co., 1879, 120 pp. Duerr, Joan Frid. Dissertatio historica de Constantino Magno. Jenæ, 1684, 4^o. Du Pin. Nov. Bibl. Aut. Eccl. 2, p. 16-. Duruy, Vict. Les premières années du règne de Constantin (305-323). In Compte rendu acad. scien. mor. polit. (1881). F. XVI. 737-765. Speaks of his "cold cruelty." He was convinced that "the future was victory to Christians, and political wisdom counselled to go with them." ---- ---- La politique religieuse de Constantin (312-337). In Compte rendu acad. scien. mor. polit. (1882), XVII. 185-227. Orleans, 1882, 8^o, 47 pp. = Rev. archæolog., 1882, B. XLIII. 96-110, pl. 155-175. Cf. Allard, P., in Lettres chrét. (1882), V. 244-249. "Fragment de son Histoire des Romains." Treats: I. La vision miraculeuse. II. Le lavarum. III. Popularité croissante du culte du Soleil. IV. Constantin à Rome en 312: son arc de triomphe. V. L'édit de Milan (313). VI. Mesures pour l'éxecution de l'édit de Milan. VIII. Monnaies de Constantin; Constantinople. IX. Resumé. ---- ---- Les conditions sociales au temps de Constantin. In Compte rendu acad. scien. mor. polit. (1882), XVIII. 729-772. Treats: La cour, La noblesse, La bourgeoisie, La plèbe, Les corporations réglementées, L'armée. Du Voisin, J. B. Dissertation critique sur la vision de Constantin. Paris, 1774. 12^o, 331 pp. Cf. Journ. d. sçavans (1774), 452-459. Eckhel. Doctrina numorum veterum. 8 (Vindob. 1828), 71-95. Eltz, H. In Public. hist. Inst. Luxembourg (1874-1875), XXIX. 225-236. In this paper, p. 215-236, p. 225-235, are occupied with coins of Constantine and his sons. Ewyck, Florentius ob. Oratio in laudem Constantini Magni habitu a...Tempore Exanimis Huberni Gandæ a. d. XII. Cal. Januar. MDCXCIII. Gandæ, 1692, pp. 11 (1). Draws nice little moral of the "good example" from Constantine. Fabricius, Joan. Alb. Dissertatio de cruce Constantini Magni qua probatur eam fuisse phænomenon in halone solari, quo Deus usus, sit ad Constantini Magni animum promovendum. Hamburgi, 1706. 40 (or Woltereck, who is resp.?). Cf. "Bibl. gr. VI. (1714-1749), 1-29; IX. 68 (2a, IV. 882; VI. 693-718)." Farlati. Illyric. sac. VIII. (1819), 25-27. Fletcher, Jos. Life of Constantine the Great. London, 1852. 12mo. Freherus. "Diss. Const. Imp. Numis." 1600. Evidently = Const. Imp. Byz. Numism. cf. above. Finckius, Casp. De disput. de Baptismo. T.V. p. 313, disp. XIII. Frick, Joh. Dissertatio de fide Constantini Magni haud dubie christiana. Ulmæ, 1713. 4^o. Not Frick (who is præses), but Miller (?). Friedrich, J. Die Konstantinische Schenkung. Nördlingen, 1889. 8^o. VII. 197 pp. Reviewed in Theol. Literaturblatt, 1890, Nos. 3-5; in Evang. Kirch-ztng, No. 18 (1889); by Schultze, in Theol. Litt. Ber. 1889; Liter. Centralblatt, 1889, No. 33; by Bloch, in Mttlgn. a. d. histor. Litt. (1890), No. 1; by Löwenfeld, in Deutsche Ltzng. (1890), No. 3. Frimelius, Joannis. De Constantini Magni Religione, Baptismo & rerum sacrarum apparatu. Mentioned by Kunardus, in a "Disputationum Catalogus," p. (8). Frommann, E. A. De codicibus s. jussu Constantini ab Eusebio curatis. Coburgi, 1761. 4^o. Frothingham, Arthur. Compare edition of Jacobus of Sarug. Fuhrmann, Matthias. Historia sacra de baptismo Constantino Max. Augusti. I. Romæ, 1742; II. Viennæ in Austria, 1747, 4^o, fig. Garrucci, Raff. Esame critico e cronologico della numismatica Costantiniana portante segni di cristianesimo. Roma, 1858, 8^o, 72 pp. ---- ---- In Vetri cimit. crist. Roma (1884), append. 1858. Croce greca sulle monete di Costantino e sua famigla, 89, 90, 91. Croce latina sulle...Costantino padre e figlio e di Costanzo, 95. Vario modo di figuriale ai tempi di Costantino, 103. ---- ---- Verres ornés de figures en or, trouvés dans les Catacombes Romaines. 2d ed. 1864. Has at end discussion of symbols of Constantine. Compare Anal. Jur. Pout. 1873. Gasparin, Ag. de. Innocent III., le siècle apostolique, Constantin. Paris, 1873, 12^o, p. 75-193. ---- ---- Constantin. In Le christianisme au quatrième siècle. Genéve, 1858, 8^o, p. 1-139. The question of church and state. The present problem of the churches is to undo the work of Constantine. Lectures to Y.M.C.A. of Geneva. Genelin. Das Schenkungsversprechen und die Schenkung Pippins. Wien und Leipzig. 1880. Gengel, Georg. De Constantino Magno, primo Christianorum imperatore, dissertatio...Calissii, 1726, 8^o, 14-89-6 pp. Gibbon. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Many editions. Furnishes later historians of Constantine with almost unlimited material for adoring quotation. Girault, Cl. Xav. Dissertation histor. & critique sur le lieu où la croix miraculeuse apparut à Constantin & à son armée. In Magas. encyclop. Paris, 1810, 8^o. Görres, Franz. Die Verwandtenmorde Constantin's des Grossen. In Ztschr. f. wiss. Theol. 30 (1887), 343-377. Reaches, with Hilgenfeld, the rather severe judgment that, on the whole, the bloodguiltiness of Licinius is less than that of Constantine. There are also various other interesting reviews or treatises by Görres. Graetz, H. Die Herrschaft des Christenthums durch Constantin's Bekehrung. In Monatsschrift f. gesch. u. wiss. Judenthum (1887), 416-421. Grauert, Herm. Die Konstantinische Schenkung. In Görres-Ges. Histor. Jahrb. 1882-84, III. p. 3-30; IV. (1883), 45-95, 525-617, 674-680; V. 117-120. Reaches result that it arose not in Rome, but in France, from the cloister of St. Denis, shortly before or at the same time with the Pseudo-Isidore, and shortly after 840. (Weiland, p. 142.) Gretser. De sancta cruce. In Opera, v. 2. Ratisbonæ, 1734, fol. Grisar, Hartm. Die vorgeblichen Beweise gegen die Christlichkeit Constantins des Grossen. In Zeitschr. f. kathol. Theolog. VI. (1882), 585-607. Cf. La Controverse, 1882, III. 693-702. Grossius, Matth. Dissertatio de donatione Constantini Magni. Lipsiæ,
1620. 4^o. Gualtherius. See Walther. Guidi, Ign. Il battesimo di Costantino imperatore. In Nuova Antologia, B. XLI. (1883), 41-52. Starts from Frothingham's work. Consult for list of authors who repeat the story. Mentions some who still believe in the fable. Gusta, Franc. Vita di Costantino il grande, 1^o imperat. christiano. Foligno, 1786; 2 v. 4^o. ediz. 2, rev. ricorr. ed. accresc. 1790; ed.
3. 2 v. 320 and 282 pp. 8^o. 1816. 2 v. 332 and 296 pp. 8^o. In Zaccaria, Raccolta di dissertazioni, 13. (1795), 172-189. Haenisius, Gottlieb. Dissertatio de Constantino Magno non ex rationibus politicis christiano. Vulgo Ob Constantinus Magnus ohngeachtet seiner späten Tauffe, ein wahrer Christ zu nennen. (Praes. Gott. Chr. Lentnerus.) 1714, Lipsiæ. p. 76. Usually referred to under Lentner, but B.M. correctly gives Haenisius (?) Hakluyt. Voyages, 2 (1810), 34-35. 1. The voyage of Helena. Latin and English. The author of Latin not given. He quotes as authorities, Eusebius, Virumnius, and Ponticus. 2. The voyage of Constantine the Great, emperor and king of Britaine, to Greece, Ægypt, Persia, and Asia, Anno 339. Latin and English. Rather phenomenal energy on the part of a man two years dead. Hallern (Heller?), Godofredus (Vratisl.). Disputatio theologio quanta de religione Constantini Magni....Jodoci Kedii...(Praes. And. Kunardo [19 Maji, A.O.K. MDLIIX.], Wittenbergæ . 4^o, p. 123-172. Kunardus?) Halloix, Petr. Epistola de baptismo Constantini. In Morin, Antiq. eccl. orient. (1682). Harduin, J. Chronologia sæculi Constantiniani ex solis numis antiquis. In his Op. sel. p. 442-. Hartmann, J. A. Dissertatio historica de Helena, Constantini Magni matre. Marb. 1723. 4^o. Hauck, A. Zur donatio Constantini. In Ztschr. f. kirchl. Wissensch. u. kirchl. Leben (1888), 201-207. Hebenstreit, G. E. (=Hofmann, C. F.). Histoire de Constantin le Grand. Limoges, 1866. 12^o. 148 pp. Heckenhoek, Adr. Oratio in laudem Constantini Magni primi christianorum imperatoris. (viii. Aprilis MDCCXVI.), Dordrechti. (4) 23 pp. Helmke. De Constantini Magni ita moribus et legibus penitus ex fontibus repetita disputatio. Pars 1, Progr-Stargard, 1827. 4^o. Hesse, Joann. Christianus. Dissertatio Historico-Pragmatica qua Constantinum Magnum ex rationibus politicis Christianum. (Præs. B. G. Struvius ) ["autor respondens," Hesse]. May, MDCCXIII. Jenæ, (4)76 pp. Not Struve? Pref. is by Struve, to be sure, but seems to be congratulatory letter to Hesse on his work? But Haenisius(?) (1714), the following year, ascribes to Struve. Heumann, Chph. A. De cruce coelesti a Constantino Magno conspecta. In his Poecile, 2. 50-. Heydenreich, Eduard. Ueber einen neu gefundenen Roman von der Jugendgeschichte Constantins des Grossen und von der Kaiserin Helena. In Verhandll. d. Philologenversammlung in Trier, p. 177 ff.; Repr. in d. Berliner Zeitschr. f. d. Gymnasialwesen, 34 (1880), 271-. ---- ---- Der libellus de Constantino Magno ejusque matre Helena und die übrigen Berichte über Constantins des Grossen Geburt und Jugend. Eine kritische Untersuchung von...In Archiv für Litteraturgeschichte hrsg. Fr. Schnorr. Carolsfeld. X (1881), 319-363. Hildebrand, Joach. Dissertatio de donatione Constantini Magni. Helmstad, 1661, 4^o; 1703; 1739; 1761. Altus or Hildebrand? Hofmann, Car. Frid. et Hebenstreit, Geo. Ern. Disputatio Historico-Critica de Constantini Magni sepulchro. Lipsiæ, 1759, 4^o, 48 pp. Hojer, J. C. Quæ Constantino Magno favoris in Christian. fuerunt caussæ. Jenæ, 1758, 16 pp. Haute, Theodorus van der. Oratio prior de Constantino Magno, dicta a...Delfis. Apud Joannem. Speyers, Bibliopolam, 1702, 14 pp. Spoken at the same time with Rouille's Oration. Cf. Rouille for estimate. [Hug] Denkschrift zur Ehrenrettung Constantin's des Grossen. In Zeitschrift Geistlichkeit Erzbisth. Freiburg, III. Heft. (Freib. 1829.) 1-104. Treats various charges. The death of Crispus a plot of Fausta for the sake of her children, she causing it to seem to Constantine that Crispus and his nephew were plotting against the empire. Hunckler. Constantin le Grand et son règne. Limoges, 1843 and 1846. 12^o. ("1843, 12^o; do. 1846, 12^o.") Hynitzsch, Adolf. Die Taufe Constantins des Grossen nach Geschichte und Sage. 1870. Progr. des Gymnasium in Stendel. Incerti auctoris de Constantino Magno ejusque matre Helena libellus. E codicibus primus edidit Eduardus-Heydenreich. Lips., Teubner, 1879. 12^o. p. vii. , 30. See under The Mythical Constantine. Jacobatius. De concilio tractatus. Romæ, 1538, lib. X. art. 8, p. 780-783. De donatione Constantini. Jacobus of Sarug. L'omilia di Giacomo di Sarúg sul Battesimo di Costantino imperatore, trad. ed. annot. da Arthur L. Frothingham, Jr. Roma, 1882. Fol. (From Reale Accad. dei Lincei. CCLXXIX [1881-82].) Consult for various sources and writers where story is found. Jacutius, Matth. Syntagma quo ad parentis magno Constantino crucis historia complexa est universa....Romæ, 1755. 4^o. Janus, Joh. W. Schediasma historicum de patria Constantini Magni. Witteb. 1716. 4^o. "Janus." Der Pabst und das Concil. Leipzig, 1869. 8^o, xix, 451 pp. Jeep, Ludw. Zur Gesch. Constantins. Festschrift f. E. Curtius. (Berlin,
1884. 8^o.) p. 79. Journal des Sçavants. (1774), p. 451-459. Review and analysis of Du Voisin. Kaufmann, Georg. Eine neue Theorie über die Entstehung u. Tendenz der angeblichen Schenkung Constantins. In Allgem. Zeitung (1884), 194-196, 211-212. Valuable. Weiland, p. 146-147. Kedd, Jod. Constantinus Magnus Romano-catholicus, ecclesia catholicus, s. Stephanus & primi Hungariæ reges Romano catholici...Viennæ Austriæ,
1655. 4^o, 145 pp. Keim. Die röm Toleranz-Edickte. In "Theol. Jahrb. 1852 II." Keim, Theodor. Der Uebertritt Constantins des Grossen zum Christenthum, academ. Vortrag...Zürich, 1862, 8^o. viij.-106 pp. "A Christian in its strict sense Constantine was certainly not, even up to the end of his life," and yet he was inwardly touched by Christianity. Keri, Francisc. Borg. Imperatores orientes...a Constantio Magno ad Constantini ultimum....Tyrnaviæ..., 1774. Fol. Kist, N. C. De commutatione quam, Constantino auctore societas subiit christiana. Trajecti ad Rh. 1818, 120 pp. 8^o. Kormart, Chrph. Dissertatio politica de Constantino Magno. Lipsiæ,
1665. 4^o. Krug. Byz. Chron. St. Petersb. 1810. 8^o. Krüger, G. Zur Frage nach der Entstehungszeit der Konstantinschen Schenkung. In Theol. Literaturzeitung, 14 (1889), 429-435, 455-460. Kunadus, And. Constantinus Magnus Evangelicus Constantino Romano-Catholico Jodoci Keddii Jesuitæ oppositus. Ed. second, Witteb.
1666. 4^o, p. (8) 224. Landucci. Una celebre costituzione dell' imperatore Costantino, saggio esegetico. Padova, 1886. 8^o, 30 pp. Langen, Henricus. Constantinus Magnus Intentu Utriusque Maximiani, et Herculii et Galerii in regimine confirmatus. (Præs. J. J. Weidner.) 8 Sept. 1703. Rostochii (p. 48). (By Langen, not Weidner?) Langen, J. Entstehung und Tendenz der Konstantinischen Schenkungsurkunde. In Sybel, Hist. Zeitschr. (1883), p. 413-435. "Erweitete Ausfürhung e. Aufsatze in deutschen Merkur, 1881, Nr. 34." Langen. In Geschichte d. römischen Kirche. Bonn, 1885, p. 726-. La Salle. In Biografia universale, XIII. (Venezia, 1823), 363-370. Le Beau. Hist. du Bas-Emp. en commenç. a Constantin. T. 1-21, Par. 1757-1781, Cont. par (H.P.) Ameiltron. T. 22-26, Par. 1781-1807. T. 271[1.2] do. 1811. 8^o (28 vols.). Nouv. ed. ed. St. Martin. T. 1-13, Par. 1824-1832. Cont. Brosset, T. 14-21, Par. 1833-1836. 8^o. (Lefort de la Morinière, Adrien Claude.) Histoire abrégée du règne de Constantin empereur d'Orient et d'Occident. Par. 1756. 12^o. Lentner, Gottfr. Christ. Dissertatio de Constantino Magno non ex rationibus politicis christiano. 4^o. Lipsiæ, 1714. Cf. note under Haenisius. Yet the author regards the præses of a preceding dissertation as author, and the præses here is printed in capitals, so Lentner is real author? Life of Constantine the Great. In Christ. Rev. 4 (1839), 201. Literary and Theological Review (1839), 541. Lupi, Ant. Mar. Theses historicæ, chronolog., cricticæ, philolog., &c., ad vitam s. Constantini Magni imper. aug. Panormi, 1736. 4^o. ---- ---- Dissertaz. lett. ed. alt. oper. 1 (1785), 267-292, in Gori, Symbolæ litter. IX. (Florent. 1752), 133-176. Mabrun. Constantinus Magnus sive idolatria debellata. Par. 1658. 4^o. Latin poem. Mamachi, Thom. Mar. De cruce Constantino visa & de evangelica chronotaxi. Florentiæ, 1738. 8^o. Manso, Joh. Casp. Frdr. Leben Constantins des Grossen, nebst einigen Abhandlungen geschichtlichen Inhalts. Breslau, 1817, 8^o; Wien, 1819. 8^o. Marçay, De. Histoire de Constantin le Grand. Limoges, 1873, 8^o, 126 pp. Martens. Die falsche General-Konzession Konstantins. München (Leipzig), 1889, 8^o. Contains especially convenient reprint, with commentary. ----. Die römische Frage unter Pipin und Karl dem Grossen, p. 327 sq. Says donation arose after 800, in last years of Charlemagne or beginning of Louis. Wieland, p. 141. ----. Die drei unechten Kapitel der Vita Hadrian. In Tübingen Theol. Quartalschrift (1886), 601. ----. Heinrich IV. und Gregor VII. nach der Schilderung von Ranke's Weltgeschichte. Kritische Betrachtungen. Danzig, 1887. Martini, E. D. A. Ueber die Einführung der christlichen Religion als Staatsreligion im römischen Reiche durch den Kaiser Constantin. München, 1813. 4^o, 48 pp. Mas, Auguste. L'empereur d'Arles. In Mém. de l'acad. de Vaucluse, IV. (1885), 197-213. Rev. of Alex. Mouzin's "drama in verse." Treats early events. Very full description and analysis of poem. Mercersburg Review, 12 (1850), 173. Meyer, P. In Festschrift d. Gymn. Adolfinum zu Moers. Bonn, 1882. 4^o. So noted; but the editor's copy of this Festschrift contains nothing by Meyer, while the separately printed De Vita Constantini Eusebiana, by Meyer, paged 23-28, which is at hand, has no indication of its origin and may be from Program. Millerus, Joann. Martinus. De fide Constantini Magni haud dubie christiana. Dissertatio (præs. Jo. Frickii) e fontibus genuinis...Ulmæ (1613), 4^o, p. (4) 62. (Not Frick?) Molinet, Cl. In Ephemer, erudit. Parisien. (1681), Eph. XI. Dissertatio de veritate Crucis a Constantino visæ ex numis antiquis confirmata. Moller, Dan. Guil. Disputatio de labaro Constantiniano. Altorf, 1696. 4^o. Monod, Paul. La politique religieuse de Constantin. Montaubon, 1886. 8^o. Morin, Jean. Histoire de la déliverance de l'église chrétienne par l'empereur Constantin et de la grandeur et souveraineté temporelle donnée à l'église Romaine par les roys de France. Par. 1630. Fol. A translation of Eusebius' Life of Constantine. Mouzin, Alex. Cf. Mas, Aug., in Mém, acad. Vaucluse, 1885, IV. 197-213. Mühlbacher, E. In Mitth. Inst. öster. Geschforsch (1881), 2. 115-116. Münch, Ernst. Jos. Herm. Uber die Schenkung Constantin's, beitrag zur Literatur u. Kritik der Quellen des kanonischen Rechts u. der Kirchengeschichte. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1824. 8^o, 102 pp. Also in Vermischte Schriften, Ludwigsburg, 1828, p. 185-. Musset, Georges. Encore les statues équestres au portail des églises. In Rev. Poitev. et Saint. (1886), 71-76. Thinks Arbellot has not solved the question. Nestius, Jacob. Apologia pro Constantino Magno. In Miscell. Lipsien. nova (1716), II. 471-476. Nève, Felix. Constantin et Théodose devant les églises orientales, étude tirée des sources grecques et arméniennes, in Rev. catholiq. E. III. (1857), 356-364, 401-414, 507-521. Louvain, 1857. 8^o. Nicolai, Joan. De Constantini baptismo, ubi, quando et a quo fuerit celebratus, historica dissertatio. Paris, 1680. 12^o, 266 pp. (1690, Vogt.) Ohnesorge, W. Der Anonymus Valesii de Constantino. 1885. 8^o, 112 pp. Reviewed at length by Fr. Görres, in Ztschr. f. wiss. Theol. 29 (1886), 504-512. It is, in fact, a most interesting and exhaustive study of the document. Ongaroni, Franc. Dissertationes III. de moribus et religione Constantini Magni, de Juliani religione et gestis, deque templi Hierosolymitani instauratione ab eodem Juliano attentata et divinitus impedita. Mediolani, 1778. 4^o. Oordt, J. W. G. Van. Constantijn de Groote en zijne voorgangers, eine studie over den Romeinschen keizertijde. I Deel. Haarlem, 1868. 8^o, x, 383 pp. This first part takes only to Antoninus Pius. Origine della Donazione di Costantino secundo il Döllinger. In Civilità cattolica, Ser. 5, v. 10 (1864), 303-330. Papebrochius. Comment histor. In Acta s. s. Bolland. Maii V. (1685), 12-27 pl. Cf. Jun. p. 16-. Penon. Des monnaies de Constantin-le-Grand relatives à la Provence. In Rep. Trav. soc. statist. Marseille. 28 (1866), 176-182. Such as relate to coinage at Arles. Pfahler. Trad fr. Histoire de Constantin le Grand et de son siècle.
1862. 8^o, 202 pp. (Pilati, C. Ant.) Gesch. d. Veränderungen in d. Regierungu d. Gesetzen u. d. menschl. Geiste von Constantins Bekehrung an bis auf d. Untergang d. weström-Reichs. A. d. Franz. Leipz. 1784. Plate, W. Constantinus I. In Smith, Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Biog. 1 (1859), 831-837. Polus, Regin. ...De baptismo Constantini Magni imper....Romæ, Paul Manut, 1562, 4^o; Dilingæ, 1562, 8^o; Venet. 1563, 4^o; Lovanii, 1567, fol. Prologue and epilogue to the last new play, Constan the Great [by N. Lee]. s. e. (1683), one leaf, fol. Rallaye, Léonce de la. De la donation de Constantin d'après le Dr. Doellinger [i.e. Papst leg.]. In Le Monde (1864), Juillet, 3, p. 3-4; Juillet, 7, p. 3-4. Review, but has value of an original article. Origin in France. La rappresentatione di Costantino imperatore et di San Silvestro Papa, et di Santa Elena Imperatrice. Stampata in Siena, con licenza de' superiori, et ristampata in Orvieto. [1550?? B. M. Catal.; Fierenze, 1562, 4^o; do. 1588. 4^o.] Reign of Constantine the Great. In Dublin Rev. 1857. XLII. 490. Reiskius, Joannes. (Program.) 1681. 4^o. Reumont, Alfred von. Constantin der Grosse. In his Gesch. d. Stadt Rom, 1 (Berlin, 1867), B. 3, Abschn. 2=p. 595-646. p. 859-860 has a Chronological table of reign of Constantine. Revellat, J. P. Notice sur une remarquable particularité que présente toute une série de milliaires de Constantin le Grand. In Rev. archéolog. 1883, c. 11. 39-48, 69-78, 148-155; Par. 188-. 8^o. Cf. Thédenat, H. in Bull. critiq. 1885, vi. 69-73. The name of Maximian removed. Richardson, Samuel. The necessity of toleration in matters of religion...Here also is the copy of the Edict of the Emperors Constantine and Licinius. Lond. 1647, p. (2) 21 (1). Edict, p. 1-3. Richter, Heinrich. Das weströmische Reich. Berlin, 1865. 8^o, p. 31-101, "Die römischen Kaiser und die christliche Kirche von Diocletian bis zum Tode Constantins I." Romane, Alfred. Essai sur Constantin et ses rapports avec l'église chrétienne. Thèse présentée à la Faculté de théologie protestante de Strasbourg. Strasbourg, 1867. 8^o, p. (2) 114. Study of relation of church and state in fourth century. Does not find one solitary evidence of regenerate life in Constantine. He had no religion but his policy. Rossignol, Jean. Pierre. Virgile et Constantin le Grand. 1^e p. Paris,
1845. 8^o. Première partie, p. (2) xxxvi, 351 (1). Examines Eclogue of Virgil found in C.'s Oration and arrives at conclusion that "beyond a doubt" Constantine did not write the oration, but Eusebius "le coupable c'est Eusèbe." Rouille, Joannes Ludovicus du. Orat. posterior de Constantino Magno dicta...III. Nonas. Februarii, No. c/o, iocii. Delfis....4^o, 14 pp. Brief, rhetorical, eulogistic, worthless. Royon, Jas. C. Hist. du Bas-Empire depuis Constantin. v. 1-4. Paris, xii-1803. 8^o. Sagittarius, Joh. Christfried. Dissertatio histor. de Constantino Magno. Jenæ, 1650. 4^o. Sandinus, Ant. Disput. histor. (1742), 135-149. St. Victor, Léonard de. Fondation de Constantinople. In Anal. Jur. Pontif. XII. (1873), col. 402-414. ---- ----. Apparition de la croix à l'emper. Constantin. In Anal. juris pontif. XII. (1873), 389-401. Moyen d'accorder Lactance avec Eusèbe. Written middle of last century; mss. in Bibl. Nat. Schaff, P. Constantine the Great and the Downfall of Paganism in the Roman Empire. In Biblioth. Sac. 1863; XX. 778. Review of Burckhardt, Keim, and Stanley's Eastern Church. Scheffer-Boichorst, P. Neuere Forsuchungen über die konstantinische Schenkung. In Mtthlgn. des Inst. f. oesterreich. Geschichtsforschg. 10 (1889), 302-325. Schelstrate, Emanuel. Antiq. illust. circa Concil Gen., etc., et præcipua tr. Hist. Eccles. Cog. Antv. 1678, p. 11, diss III. c. VI. De baptismo Constantini num Romæ a S. Silvestro num Nicomediæ ab Eusebio collatus fuit, an potius et Romæ et Nicomediæ. Die Schenkung Constantin's. Mainz, 1866. 8^o. Translated from Civilità Cattolica. Schmidius, Jo. Andr. In hist. Ser. IV. fabulis Variorum, etc. Helmst.
1712. 4^o. (Conradus resp.). Schmidt, O. Zur Beurtheilung Constantins des Grossen. Duisberg, 1863. 4^o. Progr. Schoepflin. Constantinus Magnus non fuit britannus. In Commentationes historicæ. Basil, 1741. 4^o. Schroeckh, J. M. Leben des Kaisers Constantin des Grossen. In his Allgemeine Biographie. Cf. Num. 66. Schultze, Viktor. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Konstantin's des Gr. In Ztschr. f. Kirchengeschichte, 7 (1885), 343-371; 8 (1886), 517-542. 1. Die römische Bildsäule mit dem Kreuze. 2. Die Tempelbauten in Konstantinopel. 3. Die Inschrift von Hispellum. 4. Konstantin und die Haruspicen. 5. Der Staat und das Osferwesen. 6. Der Untergang des Licinius. Schurzfleisch, Conr. Sam. Quæ sit vera origo imperii Rom. christiani. In his Controverss, XXXV. ---- ----. Dissertatio de primo christianorum imperatore. Wittebergæ,
1679. 4^o, 52 pp. (præs. M. Difenbach). Schwarz. Colleg. histor. 8 (1737), 436-715. Scultetus, Abrah. Confutatio Cæs. Baronii de baptismo Constantini Magni. Neustadii, 1607. 4^o. Seeberg. Zur konstantinischen Schenkung. In Theol. Literaturblatt, 1890, cols. 25-27, 33-36, 41-45. Rev. of Friedrich. Seeck, Otto. Quellen und Urkunden über die Aufänge des Donatismus. In Ztschr. f. Kirchenges 10 (1889), 505-568. A very systematic and interesting examination of sources. ---- ----. Die Verwandtenmorde Constantin's des Grossen. In Zeitschr. f. Wiss. Theol. 33 (1890), 63-77. While disclaiming any attempt to whitewash Constantine, he finds his conduct not incompatible with being a good Christian. Sevestre. Dict. patrol. I. (1861), 1137-1148. Simonides, Constant. Panegyric of that holy and apostolic heaven-crowned King Constantine the Great. London, 1854. 8^o. Smith, W. Browning. Constantine. In Enc. Brit. 6 (1878), 298-301. Solikov, I. I. Moscow, 1810. In Russian. Stapfer, Edm. Constantin I. In Lichtenberger, Encycl. des. sciences rel. 3 (1878), 388-393. Steuchus, August. Contra Laurent Valla. De falsa donatione Constantini...Lugduni Bat. 1545, 8^o; 1547, 4^o. Streso, J. A. Konstantijn de Groote en Karel de Groote. Arnhem, 1836. 8^o. Struve, Bern. Gotth. Bibl. hist. V. (1790), 1, 178-207. ---- ----. Dissertatio de Constantino Magno ex rationibus politicis christiano. Jenæ, 1713. 4^o. See Hesse. Suchier. Disputationis de Zosimi et Eusebii, historiarum scriptorum in Constantini Magni imperatoris rebus exponendis fide et auctoritate, part I. Hersfeld, 1856. 4^o. 25 pp. Gymn. Progr. ----. Qualem Eusebius Constantinum Magnum imperatorem adumbraverat, paucis exponitur. Hersfeld, 1857. 4^o, 36 pp. Suhr, Balthus, Joachim. Constantini Magni signo crucis Christi in nubibus viso, ad Christianismum inauguratus (præs. J. J. Weidner). Rostochii, 1703. (Suhr, not Weidner?) Tacut, Gulielmus. Oratio in Donationem Constantini Magni nomine falso jactatam. Delphis, 1726. 4^o. Do. Rom. 1755. No use. Tentzel, Guil, Ern. Examen fabulæ Romanæ de duplici baptismo Constantini Magni. Witteberge, 1683. 4^o. Thielmann. Ueber Sprache und Kritik des libellus de Constantino Magno ejusque matre Helena. In Blätter f. d. bayerische Gymnasialwesen, 16 (1880), 124- . Theirry, Amadée. Constantin en Gaule. In Acad. d. sciences mor. et polit., 9 (1846), 349-364. Pleasantly written resumé of the period, with not very exact characterization of Constantine in very attractive style. ---- ----. XI. (1847), 374-387. Fragment d'histoire sur la politique chrètienne de Constantin. Takes the heathen side. Neat rhetorically. Thomasius, Christ. De fide scriptorum Constantini Magni. In Observatt Hallens. XXII. I. Treats especially Zosimus. Cf. Vogt. p. 15-16. ---- ----. In fabulas de parentibus Constantini Magni. In Obs. Hall. T. 1, n. 23, p. 377-388. Tillemont. Histoire des empereurs, 4 (1697), 76-381, 613-664. Tiraboschi. Stor. lett. Ital. II. (1806), 373-377, 457. Tobler, Adolf. Kaiser Constantinus als betrogner Ehemann. In Jahrb. Roman. Engl. Lit. 13 (=N.F.I.) (1874), 104-108. Various allusions in old French poetry. Toderini, Giambatt. La Costantiniana apparizione della croce difesa contro...G. A. Fabrico. Venezia, 1773. 4^o. Trescho, Leb. F. Beitr. üb. einige Vorwürfe wider d. Ksr. Constantin d. Gr. In his Brr. üb. d. neueste theol. Literat. II. 360-. Unger, Friedrich Wilhelm. Die Bauten Constantin's des Grossen am heiligen Grabe zu Jerusalem. Göttingen, 1866. 8^o. iv, 128 pp. Abdruck aus Benfey, Th., Orient. u. Occid. II. 177-232, 385-466. He thinks to demonstrate that a part of the Haram in Jerusalem has indisputable evidences of Constantinian origin. He seems to build dangerously much on Fergusson (Lond. 1847). Valentini. Il codice di Eusebio della Biblioteca Queriniana di Brescia illustrato. In Commentari dell' Ateneo di Brescia, 1885, p. 20-32 (?). Valla, Laurentius. De falso credita et ementita donatione Constantini. For various editions, see Graesse, vol. 6. 2, p. 249, and the Étude of Bonneau. The edition of 1520 is usually cited as princeps, for the first edition was published clandestinely by Ulrich von Hutten in 1517. A convenient one is that with translation by Bonneau, Paris, 1879. It was written in the middle of the fifteenth century, and for venturing to deny the authority of the Donation, the author was obliged to flee in disguise from Rome. Varenne, Bernard de. Histoire de Constantin le Grand, 1er empereur chrétien. Par. 1728. 4^o. Valois, Charles de. Discours dans lequel on prétend faire voir que les médailles qui portent pour légende: F. Cl. Constantinus Jun N. C. n'apartiennent point à Constantin le jeune fils de Constantin le Grand. In Soc. Trav. Acad. inscr. et belles let. 4^o. V. 3. Maintains that all such medals belong to a brother of Constantine, and not to his son. Vedelius, Nicolaus. De episcopatu Constantini Magni seu de potestate magistratuum Reformatorum circa res Ecclesiasticas dissertatio. Repetita cum responsione ad interrogata quædam. Franekenæ, Apud Uldericum Balck, 1642. p. (48) 143. Nature indicated by sub-title. Takes as text Constantine's remark that he, too, was a bishop. (V. c. 4, 24.) Vincentius Belvacensis. Spec. hist. XIV. 1, 43-44, 47-58, 102. Visconti. Sopra la cristianità di Costantino Magno, dimonstrata co monumenti e con le medaglie....In Atti Accad. Rom. Archeol. VI. (1835), 207-228. "Sopra il nimbo usato ne' ritiatti di esso imperatore." Vogt, Joh. Historia litteraria Constantini Magni, plus centum et quinquaginta rerum Constantinianarum Scriptores sistens. Hamburgi, Apud Viduam B. Schilleri & J. C. Kisnerum, 1720. Compare for older literature on Constantine. There is long account of literature by topics. Voigt, Gottfr. Vita Constantini Magni disputatione historica descripta. Rostochii, 1675. 4^o. Voigt, Moritz. Drei epigraphische Constitutionen Constantin's des Grossen und ein epigraphisches Rescript des præf. Præt. Ablavius....Leipzig, 1860. 8^o. ix. (1) 242. The documents occupy to p.
42. The remainder of the work taken up with an essay on the Pagi and Vici of the Roman Empire. Walch, Chr. Guil. Franc. De tois eiso tes ekklesias et tois ektos Constantini Magni Commentatio. D. II. August, MCCDLXXXIII. lecta. In Comment. Soc. Reg. Sci. Gotting. vi. 2, 1783-84 (Got. 1785), 81-106. Separate title-page to part 2, dated 1784. Is a discussion of Constantin's famous saying. Gives passim many references to writers who have discussed the question. Walther, Balthas. Diatribe elenchetica de imperatoris Constantini Magni baptismo, donatione et legatione ad concilium Nicænum. Jenæ, 1816. 12^o. Wegnerus, Joh. Ernestus. Constantinus Magnus Imperator, Maximorum postulatus criminum, sed potiori parte absolutus ex Judiciali Gen. (Præs. Georgi Casp. Kirchmaieri.) Wittenbergæ, 1698, 16 pp. Note title. Weidner, Johan. Joach. (resp. Johannes Goethe). Dissertatio historica de Constantino Magno qua illum honeste & ex legitimo matrimonio natum contra G. Arnoldum vindicatur ac defenditur. Rostochii, 1702. 4^o, p. (2) 34. Weidner is præses. The dedication is by Goethe to his father, and Goethe is called author by the British Museum Catalogue. ---- ----. Constantinus Magnus superatis juventæ discriminibus legitimus tandem patris Constantii successor. 1702; ib. 1703, p. (4)
40. Accorded to Weidner by Vogt. "Burck" is respondant, and seems by preface to be author, but? ---- ----. Dissertatio de Constantino Magno Signo crucis Christi in nubibus viso ad Christianismum inaugurato. ib. 1703. 4^o. Weiland, L. Die constantinische Schenkung. In Ztschr. f. Kirchenrecht, 22 (1887), 137-160; 22 (1888), 185-210. Origin was between 813 and 875 and was by contemporary of Hadian I. Wernsdorf, Jo. Chr. D. de visu Constantini Magni locus Eumenii Rhetoris capite xxi. Panegyrici Constantini dictus explicatus. In Stosch. Ferd., Museum Crit. II11. (Lemgoviae, 1778), 131-187. Shows that the "appearance related by Eumenius (as taking place in Gaul) is the same as that referred to by Eusebius." Wernsdorf, E. F. De Constantini Magni religione Paschali ad Euseb. de vita Const. M. b. iv. c. 22. Wittebergæ, 1758. 4^o, pp. 24. Constantine's piety exemplified in his paschal observance. Werveke, N. van. Trouvaille d'Ermsdorf. Médailles romaines de l'époque de Constantin. p. 440-498. Descriptive catalogue of coins and medals found at Emsdorf in 1880, intermingled with discussion. Large number. Interesting. Also something "In Public. hist. Instit. Luxembourg (1881-1882), XXXV. 450-476"? Wesselofsky, Alex. Le dit de l'empereur Constant. In Romania, 6 (Paris, 1877), 161-198 (cf. G. Paris, 588-596, VII. 331. Poem from ms. in Copenhagen. Records three redactions of the story. Westphalen, Comte de. La date de l'avènement au trône de Constantin le Grand, d'après Eusèbe et les médailles. In Revue numismatique (1877), 26-42. Weytingh, Joannes Henricus Arnoldus. Disquisitio historica de Constantino Magno. Daventriæ, 1826. 8^o. (4) 74 (2). Treats: 1. State of empire to death of Augustus; 2. State of empire to death of Constantius Chlorus; 3. Constantine and his acts; 4. Critical estimate of Constantine. Withof, Frid. Theod. Dissertatio histor. de ficta Constantini Magni lepra. Lingen, 1767. 4^o. Wolff, Joh. Chrtph. Disputatio de visione crucis Constantino Magno in coelo oblatæ. Witteb. 1706. 4^o. "1707" (Danz); "also in Oelrichs German liter. opusce, II. 303-" (Danz). Woltereck, Chr. Exercitatio critica qua disputatur crucem quam in coelis vidisse se juravit Constantinus Magnus Imperator, fuisse naturalem, in Halone Solari. (Praes J. A. Fabricius.) Hamburgi, 1706, pp. 32 and plate. (Not Fabricus?) Wordsworth. Constantine the Great and his sons: Constantinus I. In Smith & Wace. Dict. 1 (1877), 624-649. Treats Authorities, Life, in three periods, Legislation and Policy, Character and Writings, Vision of the Cross, and Coins. Zahn, Thdr. Constantin der Grosse und die Kirche. Hannover, 1876. Gr. 8^o, 35 pp. Zeumer, K. Der älteste Text des Constitutum Constantini. Berlin, 1888. In Festgabe für Gneist. Note 1.-The number of works which have suggested themselves as really necessary to complete a working list for the student of Constantine is very great. Some works like Hefele's Conciliengeschichte seem indispensable, others like Harnack's article in Herzog, Encykl. on the Konstantinopolitanisches Symbol have a very important correlative bearing, and ought really to be especially mentioned because the general student would not readily find them out. Several works on the historical value of Eusebius' Life of Constantine, also should really have been inserted. The latest of these is: Crivellucci, A. Della fede storica di Eusebio nella vita di Costantino: appendice al volume I. della Storia delle relazioni tra lo stato e la chiesa. Livorno, tip. di Raffaelo Giusti edit. 1888. 8^o, 145 pp. Reviewed in Nuova Antologia, Ser. 3, vol. 21, 1 Maggio, 1889; by F. Görres, in Ztschr. f. wiss. Theol. 33. 1 (1890); by V. Schultze, Theol. Litbl. (1889), Nos. 9, 10. Says that the life of Constantine is no better than a historical novel. For farther literature on special points compare references in the notes. Note 2.--The attempt to secure accuracy in the above list has proved one of great difficulty. All references could not be verified, and as "conjectural emendation" is even more dangerous in bibliography than in textual criticism, readings have not generally been changed excepting on what seemed actual evidence. The only way to avoid laying oneself open to criticism in making a bibliography is not to make it. The editor can only say for this that a great deal of pains has been expended on improving accuracy as well as in gathering titles and anotating. The difficulty is shown in the fact that the work quoted on the double authority of Oettinger and of Chevalier as by Janus, proves on securing the work itself, after the list is in plate, to be really by Vogt and dedicated to Janus.
II.--Special Prolegomena.
§1. The Life of Constantine.
1. Editions The Life is found in the editions of Eusebius (compare list in Dr. McGiffert's Prolegomena) of 1544 (p. 117^a-), 1612 (p. 301-), 1659, 1672, 1678, 1720 (p. 583-) and 1822 at least. The edition of Heinichen first published in 1830 (p. 1-332, 333-406, 407-500) and republished in 1869: Eusebius Pamphili Vita Constantini et Panegyricus atque Constantini ad sanctorum Coetum oratio. Recensuit cum annotatione critica atque indicibus denuo edidit...Lipsiæ, Hermann Mendelssohn,
1869. 8^o is the latest and best.
2. Translations The editions of Latin translations are very numerous. Basil. 1549, Portesius (V.C. 650-698, O.C. 698-715, no L.C.); Basil, 1557, Musculus (V.C. 158-215, O.C. 217-231, no L.C.); Basil, 1559 (V.C. 650-698, O.C. 698-715); Par. 1562, Musculus (V.C. 160-218, O.C. 218-234); Antv. 1568 (?), Christophorson (V.C. 224-306^a, O.C. 306^b-326^a, L.C. 326^b-361); Basil, 1570, Portesius (V.C. 862-914, O.C. 915-932) and Christophorson (L.C. 932-971); Paris, 1571, Christophorson (258-341, 341-362, 362-397); Basil, 1579, Portesius (V.C. 862-914, O.C. 915-932), and Christophorson (L.C. 923-971); Paris, 1581 (V.C. p. 214-297, O.C. 297-317, L.C. 317-355); Colon. 1581, Christophorson (V.C. 195-268, O.C. 269-286, L.C. 287-317); "1591 (Grynæus)"; Basil, 1611 (Grynæus), Christophorson (V.C. 118-170, O.C. 171-184, no L.C.); Paris, 1677, Valesius (V.C. 164-232, O.C. 233-248; L.C. 249-275); Frf. ad M. 1695, Valesius (328-465, 466-497, 498-549); Cambr. 1720 (Reading) Valesius; Cambr. 1746 (Reading) Valesius; 1822 (Zimmermann), Valesius (772-1046, 1047-1117, 1118-1232); Par. 1842 (Cailleau). The editions of 1612, 1659, and 1672 at least also have Latin translations. There is a French translation by J. Morin, Histoire de la délivrance de l'Église, &c., Par. 1630, fol., and another by Cousin, Par. 1675, 4º, and 1686, 4º. There is a German translation by Stroth, Quedlinb. 1799, v. 2, p. 141-468, and one by Molzberger. Kempten, 1880. For English translations, see the following paragraph.
3. English translations The first English translation of Eusebius was by Merideth Hanmer (compare Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert). The first editions of Hanmer did not contain the Life of Constantine. It is a little hard to distinguish the early editions, but there were at least three, and perhaps four, editions (1577 (76), 1585 (84), 1607, 1619?), before there was added in 1637 to the 1636 edition ("fourth edition" not "fifth edition 1650," as Wood, Athenæ Oxon.), a translation by Wye Saltonstall as follows: Eusebius | His life of Constantine, | in foure | bookes. | With Constantine's Oration to the Clergie | ... | London. | Printed by Thomas Cotes, for Michael Sparke, and are to be | sold at the blue Bible in greene Arbour | 1637; fol. pp. (2) 1-106 (E), 107-132 (C), 133-163 (4) (L.C.). The dedication by the "translator" is signed Wye Saltonstall. This was reprinted: London. Printed by Abraham Miller, dwelling in Black Friers, 1649. fol., and is probably the same as that quoted often (e.g. Hoffmann) as 1650. The Life occupies p. 1-74. It was again reprinted, London, 1656, fol., it is said, revised and enlarged. The former editions having become exhausted, it was proposed to re-edit and republish Hanmer's (Saltonstall's) version, but the editor found it "a work of far greater labor to bring Dr. Hanmer's Translation to an agreement with the Greek Text of Valesius' Edition, than to make a New One," which latter thing he accordingly did and did well. It was published in 1682, with the following title: The | Life | of | Constantine | in four books, | Written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilus, Bishop of Cæsarea in | Palestine; done into English from that edition set forth by | Valesius, and Printed at Paris in the Year 1659. | Together with | Valesius's Annotations on the said Life, which are made | English, and set at their proper places in the margin. | Hereto is also annext the Emperour Constantine's Oration to the | Convention of the Saints, and Eusebius Pamphilus's Speech concerning the praises of Constantine, | spoken at his tricennalia. | Cambridge, | Printed by John Hayes, Printer to the University, 1682, fol. This was published with the 1683 edition of the History, and so is properly 1683 in spite of title-page. In 1692 this was reprinted with a general title-page, but otherwise identically the same edition with same sub-titles and same paging. In 1709 a new edition was published, also with the History, having substantially the same matter on the title-page but The second edition. London. Printed for N. and J. Churchill, in the Year 1709. In this paging is the same (527-633), but there is preliminary matter added before the History. This version is said by Crusé (compare also Dr. McGiffert's Prolegomena) to be by T. Shorting. Whoever it was by, it was well done and most interesting. In the course of time, however, it became antiquated in form, and there was added in 1845 to the Bagster edition of the ecclesiastical historians an anonymous translation: The | Life | of | the Blessed Emperor | Constantine, | in four books. | From 306-337 a.d | By | Eusebius Pamphilus | ... | London: | Samuel Bagster and Sons; | ... | MDCCCXLV. 8º p. xx, 380. This translation is in somewhat inflated style, which perhaps represents Eusebius and Constantine better than a simpler one, but which sometimes out-Herods Herod, as, e.g. in the oration of Constantine, p. 279, where it takes fourteen English words to express seven Greek ones, "Far otherwise has it been during the corrupt and lawless period of human life" for "It was not thus in lawless times." A quotation from Matthew (xxvi. 52) on p. 267 takes eight words in the original, twelve in the 1881 Revised Version, sixteen in the phrase of Constantine, and twenty-two in this translation. The translation is made from the edition of Valesius, not the first of Heinichen, as appears from the division of Bk. I, chap. 10, and similar peculiarities. The present edition (1890) is a revision of the translation of 1845 founded on the edition of Heinichen.
4. Author and date Almost no fact of history is unquestioned; therefore the unquestionable authorship of Eusebius has been questioned. Some have made the author Macarius (compare Vog. Hist. lit. p. 12), evidently on the ground of the letter (3. 52) which the author says was addressed to himself, but which is to Macarius and others, but there is no real doubt of the Eusebian authorship. It was written after the death of Constantine (337), and therefore between 337 and 340, when Eusebius died. The interesting hypothesis of Meyer (p. 28) that it was perhaps written mainly in Constantine's lifetime, at the suggestion and under the direction of Constantine, to defend him against charges brought, or which might be brought, against him, is worth mentioning, although it is more ingenious than probable. The headings of the chapters are by another, though probably not much later, and a competent hand (cf. Lightfoot).
5. Trustworthiness of Eusebius The value of a writer is determined by (1) His sources of knowledge, (2) His own intellectual and moral ability. Again, the criticism of a given work seeks whether the aim proposed for that work has been truly fulfilled. A man who attempts a treatise on Geometry is not to be criticised because he omits mention of sulphuric acid, or if he proposes a description of Wagner's music, because he does not produce a Helmholtz on Sound. The application of these principles to Eusebius' Life of Constantine requires brief examination of 1. The proposed scope of the work. 2. The character of the sources. 3. The intellectual and moral competency of Eusebius on the premises. (1) The Scope of the Work. This is quite definitely outlined (i. 11). In contrast with those who have recorded the evil deeds of other emperors and have thus "become to those who by some favor had been kept apart from evil, teachers not of good, but of what should be silenced in oblivion and darkness," he proposes to record the noble actions of this emperor. He proposes, however, to pass over many things,--his wars, personal bravery, victories, and successes, his legislative acts, and many other things, and confine himself to such things as have reference to his religious character. His aim, therefore, is distinctly limited to his religious acts, and it is not stretching his meaning too far to say, expressly limited to his virtuous actions. (2) Character of the Sources. Respecting this there is endless controversy. The fullness of material is unquestionable, the intellectual competency of Eusebius is almost equally so, and the questionings regard mainly whether the author has made a proper use of material. Opinions are various, but this does not mean that they are equally well grounded and valuable. Some of the latest judgments are the most severe. Crivellucci (Livorno, 1888) calls it an historical novel, and Görres, in a review of Crivellucci, agrees that it is worth less than the Panegyrics of Eumenius and Nazarius, which is certainly milder than Manso's (p. 222) "more shameless and lying" than these. Right or wrong, this is a frequently repeated view. Some (Hely, p. 141) cannot speak too strongly of the "contempt" which he "deserves," and accuse of "pious fraud" or the next thing to it (Kestner, 1816, p. 67). For farther criticisms consult the works cited by Dr. McGiffert under Literature, and the special works on Eusebius cited in the Literature to Constantine above, passim. The criticisms group generally around 1. The suppression of the facts respecting the deaths of Crispus, &c., and various others derogatory to Constantine. 2. The eulogistic tone and coloring of the work, especially the very pietistic saintly sort of flavor given to Constantine. As to the suppression of facts, note (1) That he gives entire warning of his plan. It would have been artistically and ethically improper, in a work which distinctly sets out with such purpose, to admit that class of facts. It takes more or less from the value of the work, but it does not reflect on the general trustworthiness of what is said. (2) No similar judgment is passed on Eutropius, the Victors, Anonymous Valesianus or Zosimus, for not mentioning his pious acts. (3) A comparison of most biographies of living and dead presidents, kings, and emperors will be greatly to the advantage, even, of this fourth century eulogist over those of our boasted critical age. As to the eulogistic and exaggerated tone, observe (1) That it was more or less justified. That is, the premises of the criticism which are substantially that Constantine was not saintly or pietistic and was non-committal toward Christianity, are false. His extreme testimony is backed by very general testimony in the election of Constantine to technical saintship. (2) That is compares well with modern eulogists and extremely well with the contemporary Panegyrists of Constantine. (3) That Eusebius takes care frequently to guard his statements by quoting his source, as in the matter of the vision of the cross, or by ascribing to hearsay. In general, the work stands much on the same level as the biographies of generals in the late civil war, or of presidents, written by admiring members of their staffs or cabinets, incorporating authentic documents, intending to be truthful, and generally succeeding, but yet full of the enthusiasm of admiring friendship and inclined not to see, or to extenuate or even suppress, faults and mistakes. Nevertheless, they are valuable on the positive side as the real testimony to genuinely believed excellency by those in the position to know intimately. Eusebius is, substantially, genuine. Such supreme hypocrisy as would produce this work, without admiring respect and after its subject was dead, is inconceivable in him. All the unconscious turns of phrase show at least a consistent attitude of mind. The work is, in brief, by a competent author, from ample sources and without intentional falsification or misrepresentation. It probably represents the current Christian view of the man as accurately and honestly as any biography of Lincoln or the Emperor William written within a year or two of their deaths has done. As we now think of these two men whom doubtless inquisitive criticism might find to have faults, so the Christians in general and his friend Eusebius in particular thought of the Great Emperor. Compare discussion and literature of the trustworthiness of Eusebius as a historical writer in the Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert in this volume.
6. Value of the Work That the work on any basis but the untenable one of out-and-out forgery should be characterized as "worthless" or "a mere romance" or "of less value than the heathen panegyrists" is a curious bit of psychological performance, for it does precisely what it grounds its contempt for Eusebius on,--suppresses and exaggerates. Taking the minimum residuum of the most penetrating criticism, and the work is yet a source of primary value for understanding the man Constantine. This residuum includes (1) The documents which the work contains. These amount at the very least estimate to more than one-fourth of the whole matter, and the appended oration of Constantine is nearly as much more. (2) Many facts and details where there could be no possibility of motive for falsifying. (3) Much which critical care can draw out of the over-statements of eulogy.
§2. Oration of Constantine. The Editions and Translations of this work are substantially identical with those of the Life. See above, under Life. The Authenticity of the work has been doubted, and its composition ascribed to Eusebius or some other Christian writer, but without sufficient reason. It was appended by Eusebius to his Life of Constantine as specimens of the latter's style (cf. V.C. 4. 32). As such it shows a man of some learning, though learning taken at second hand, it is thought, from Lactantius and others (cf. Wordsworth's Constantine I.). It was composed in Latin, and translated into Greek by the special officials appointed for such work (V.C. 4. 32). It was delivered on Good Friday, but in what year or where is not known. It has been placed before the year 324 (Ceiller, 130), but the mention of events and the character of the work itself suggest a considerably later date.
§3. Oration of Eusebius. The Editions and Translations of this work are substantially identical with those of the Life, above, but some of the earlier ones do not contain the work. It was delivered in the year 336 (or possibly 335) at Constantinople, in celebration of the thirtieth anniversary of Constantine's accession, Constantine himself being present (cf. V.C. 4. 46 and O.C. 1). It gave the emperor lively satisfaction, from which one may safely infer a peculiar taste for combined panegyric and philosophical theology unless the hypothesis of a double work be true. According to this hypothesis the work consists of two separate orations, spoken perhaps at different times, the first including chapters 1-10, which are panegyrical in character, and the other chapters 11-18, which are theological (compare Lightfoot, Eusebius, p. 343; also McGiffert, Prolegomena, p. 43). It is like the oration of Constantine, a proper part of the Life of Constantine being appended according to his promise in Bk. 4, ch. 46. The special points relating to these works are treated in the notes.
constantine. ------------------------ I. The Life of Constantine. II. The Oration of Constantine. III. The Oration of Eusebius.
The Life of the blessed emperor constantine, by eusebius pamphilus. ------------------------ Book I.