The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol. I., Part E.: From Charles I. to Cromwell — David Hume — John Shaqi
The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol. I., Part E.: From Charles I. to Cromwell
David Hume · en
From these avowed maxims, the commons foresaw that, if the least handle
were afforded, the king would immediately dissolve them, and would
thenceforward deem himself justified for violating, in a manner still
more open, all the ancient forms of the constitution. No remedy could
then be looked for but from insurrections and civil war, of which the
issue would be extremely uncertain, and which must, in all events,
prove calamitous to the nation. To correct the late disorders in the
administration required some new laws, which would, no doubt, appear
harsh to a prince so enamored of his prerogative; and it was requisite
to temper, by the decency and moderation of their debates, the rigor
which must necessarily attend their determinations. Nothing can give us
a higher idea of the capacity of those men who now guided the commons,
and of the great authority which they had acquired, than the forming and
executing of so judicious and so difficult a plan of operations.
The decency, however, which the popular leaders had prescribed to
themselves, and recommended to others, hindered them not from making the
loudest and most vigorous complaints against the grievances under which
the nation had lately labored. Sir Francis Seymour said, "This is the
great council of the kingdom; and here with certainty, if not here only,
his majesty may see, as in a true glass, the state of the kingdom. We
are called hither by his writs, in order to give him faithful counsel;
such as may stand with his honor: and this we must do without flattery.
We are also sent hither by the people, in order to deliver their just
grievances: and this we must do without fear. Let us not act like
Cambyses's judges, who, when their approbation was demanded by the
prince to some illegal measure, said, that 'Though there was a written
law, the Persian kings might follow their own will and pleasure.' This
was base flattery, fitter for our reproof than our imitation; and as
fear, so flattery, taketh away the judgment. For my part, I shall shun
both; and speak my mind with as much duty as any man to his majesty,
without neglecting the public.
"But how can we express our affections while we retain our fears; or
speak of giving, till we know whether we have any thing to give? For if
his majesty may be persuaded to take what he will, what need we give?
"That this hath been done, appeareth by the billeting of soldiers, a
thing nowise advantageous to the king's service, and a burden to the
commonwealth: by the imprisonment of gentlemen for refusing the loan,
who, if they had done the contrary for fear, had been as blamable as the
projector of that oppressive measure. To countenance these proceedings,
hath it not been preached in the pulpit, or rather prated, that 'All we
have is the king's by divine right'? But when preachers forsake their
own calling, and turn ignorant statesmen, we see how willing they are to
exchange a good conscience for a bishopric.