Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky — Kant — John Shaqi
Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky
Kant · en
It was not merely yesterday that we began the struggle with such
tendencies, in so far as they assumed a definite character. "To-day,
when the power of the Soviets has been set on a firm footing," we said
at the Moscow City Conference on March 28, 1918, "the struggle with
sabotage must express itself in the form of transforming the saboteurs
of yesterday into the servants, executive officials, technical guides,
of the new regime, wherever it requires them. If we do not grapple
with this, if we do not attract all the forces necessary to us and
enlist them in the Soviet service, our struggle of yesterday with
sabotage would thereby be condemned as an absolutely vain and
fruitless struggle.
"Just as in dead machines, so into those technical experts, engineers,
doctors, teachers, former officers, there is sunk a certain portion of
our national capital, which we are obliged to exploit and utilize if
we want to solve the root problems standing before us.
"Democratization does not at all consist--as every Marxist learns in
his A B C--in abolishing the meaning of skilled forces, the meaning of
persons possessing special knowledge, and in replacing them everywhere
and anywhere by elective boards.
"Elective boards, consisting of the best representatives of the
working class, but not equipped with the necessary technical
knowledge, cannot replace one expert who has passed through the
technical school, and who knows how to carry out the given technical
work. That flood-tide of the collegiate principle which is at present
to be observed in all spheres is the quite natural reaction of a
young, revolutionary, only yesterday oppressed class, which is
throwing out the one-man principle of its rulers of yesterday--the
landlords and the generals--and everywhere is appointing its elected
representatives. This, I say, is quite a natural and, in its origin,
quite a healthy revolutionary reaction; but it is not the last word in
the economic constructive work of the proletatarian proletarian class.
"The next step must consist in the self-limitation of the collegiate
principle, in a healthy and necessary act of self-limitation by the
working class, which knows where the decisive word can be spoken by
the elected representatives of the workers themselves, and where it is
necessary to give way to a technical specialist, who is equipped with
certain knowledge, on whom a great measure of responsibility must be
laid, and who must be kept under careful political control. But it is
necessary to allow the expert freedom to act, freedom to create;
because no expert, be he ever so little gifted or capable, can work in
his department when subordinate in his own technical work to a board
of men who do not know that department. Political, collegiate and
Soviet control everywhere and anywhere; but for the executive
functions, we must appoint technical experts, put them in responsible
positions, and impose responsibility upon them.