Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky
Kant · en
[8] The Vienna Arbeiterzeitung opposes, as is fitting, the
wise Russian Communists to the foolish Austrians. "Did not
Trotsky," the paper writes, "with a clear view and
understanding of possibilities, sign the Brest-Litovsk peace
of violence, notwithstanding that it served for the
consolidation of German imperialism? The Brest Peace was
just as harsh and shameful as is the Versailles Peace. But
does this mean that Trotsky had to be rash enough to
continue the war against Germany? Would not the fate of the
Russian Revolution long ago have been sealed? Trotsky bowed
before the unalterable necessity of signing the shameful
treaty in anticipation of the German revolution." The honor
of having foreseen all the consequences of the Brest Peace
belongs to Lenin. But this, of course, alters nothing in the
argument of the organ of the Viennese Kautskians.
We came to the conclusion that those interests demanded that the only
Soviet Government in the world should be preserved. And we proved
right. Whereas Kautsky awaited our fall, if not with impatience, at
least with certainty; and on this expected fall built up his whole
international policy.
The minutes of the session of the Coalition Government of November 19,
1918, published by the Bauer Ministry, run:--"First, a continuation of
the discussion as to the relations of Germany and the Soviet Republic.
Haase advises a policy of procrastination. Kautsky agrees with Haase:
_decision must be postponed_. _The Soviet Government will not last
long. It will inevitably fall in the course of a few weeks_...."
In this way, at the time when the situation of the Soviet Government
was really extremely difficult--for the destruction of German
militarism had given the Entente, it seemed, the full possibility of
finishing with us "in the course of a few weeks"--at that moment
Kautsky not only does not hasten to our aid, and even does not merely
wash his hands of the whole affair; he participates in active
treachery against revolutionary Russia. To aid Scheidemann in his role
of _watch-dog_ of the bourgeoisie, instead of the "programme" role
assigned to him of its "_grave-digger_," Kautsky himself hastens
to become the grave-digger of the Soviet Government. But the Soviet
Government is alive. It will outlive all its grave-diggers.
8
PROBLEMS OF THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOR
THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND INDUSTRY