Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky — Kant — John Shaqi
Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky
Kant · en
That free labor is more productive than compulsory labor is quite true
when it refers to the period of transition from feudal society to
bourgeois society. But one needs to be a Liberal or--at the present
day--a Kautskian, to make that truth permanent, and to transfer its
application to the period of transition from the bourgeois to the
Socialist order. If it were true that compulsory labor is unproductive
always and under every condition, as the Menshevik resolution says,
all our constructive work would be doomed to failure. For we can have
no way to Socialism except by the authoritative regulation of the
economic forces and resources of the country, and the centralized
distribution of labor-power in harmony with the general State plan.
The Labor State considers itself empowered to send every worker to the
place where his work is necessary. And not one serious Socialist will
begin to deny to the Labor State the right to lay its hand upon the
worker who refuses to execute his labor duty. But the whole point is
that the Menshevik path of transition to "Socialism" is a milky way,
without the bread monopoly, without the abolition of the market,
without the revolutionary dictatorship, and without the militarization
of labor.
Without general labor service, without the right to order and demand
fulfilment of orders, the trade unions will be transformed into a mere
form without a reality; for the young Socialist State requires trade
unions, not for a struggle for better conditions of labor--that is the
task of the social and State organizations as a whole--but to organize
the working class for the ends of production, to educate, discipline,
distribute, group, retain certain categories and certain workers at
their posts for fixed periods--in a word, hand in hand with the State
to exercise their authority in order to lead the workers into the
framework of a single economic plan. To defend, under such conditions,
the "freedom" of labor means to defend fruitless, helpless, absolutely
unregulated searches for better conditions, unsystematic, chaotic
changes from factory to factory, in a hungry country, in conditions of
terrible disorganization of the transport and food apparatus.... What
except the complete collapse of the working-class and complete
economic anarchy could be the result of the stupid attempt to
reconcile bourgeois freedom of labor with proletarian socialization of
the means of production?