Dictatorship vs. Democracy (Terrorism and Communism): a reply to Karl Kantsky
Kant · en
Is it not monstrous and grotesque that, at this Congress, at which
1,500 representatives of the Russian working class are present, where
the Mensheviks constitute less than 5%, and the Communists about 90%,
Abramovich should say to us: "Do not be attracted by methods which
result in a little band taking the place of the people." "All through
the people," says the representative of the Mensheviks, "no guardians
of the laboring masses! All through the laboring masses, through their
independent activity!" And, further, "It is impossible to convince a
class by arguments." Yet look at this very hall: here is that class!
The working class is here before you, and with us; and it is just you,
an insignificant band of Mensheviks, who are attempting to convince it
by bourgeois arguments! It is you who wish to be the guardians of that
class. And yet it has its own high degree of independence, and that
independence, it has displayed, incidentally, in having overthrown you
and gone forward along its own path!
9
KARL KAUTSKY, HIS SCHOOL AND HIS BOOK.
The Austro-Marxian school (Bauer, Renner, Hilferding, Max Adler,
Friedrich Adler) in the past more than once was contrasted with the
school of Kautsky, as veiled opportunism might be contrasted with true
Marxism. This has proved to be a pure historical misunderstanding,
which deceived some for a long time, some for a lesser period, but
which in the end was revealed with all possible clearness. Kautsky is
the founder and the most perfect representative of the Austrian
forgery of Marxism. While the real teaching of Marx is the theoretical
formula of action, of attack, of the development of revolutionary
energy, and of the carrying of the class blow to its logical
conclusion, the Austrian school was transformed into an academy of
passivity and evasiveness, because of a vulgar historical and
conservative school, and reduced its work to explaining and
justifying, not guiding and overthrowing. It lowered itself to the
position of a hand-maid to the current demands of parliamentarism and
opportunism, replaced dialectic by swindling sophistries, and, in the
end, in spite of its great play with ritual revolutionary phraseology,
became transformed into the most secure buttress of the capitalist
State, together with the altar and throne that rose above it. If the
latter was engulfed in the abyss, no blame for this can be laid upon
the Austro-Marxian school.
What characterizes Austro-Marxism is repulsion and fear in the face of
revolutionary action. The Austro-Marxist is capable of displaying a
perfect gulf of profundity in the explanation of yesterday, and
considerable daring in prophesying concerning to-morrow--but for
to-day he never has a great thought or capacity for great action.
To-day for him always disappears before the wave of little opportunist
worries, which later are explained as the most inevitable link between
the past and the future.