field to the utmost, it will be Popish and Episcopalian exclusively. But for a result so undesirable--a result which, if Presbytery had been formerly in the ascendant, might of course be called official apostasy--it would be the Presbyterian constituency that would be to blame, not the Government. It will be seen that this view of the real state of _things_ was that of Knox and Chalmers, and that they acted in due accordance with it. We are told by the younger M'Crie, in his admirable _Sketches of Scottish Church History_, 'that Knox and his brethren, perceiving that the whole ecclesiastical property of the kingdom bade fair to be soon swallowed up by the rapacity of the nobles, insisted that a considerable portion of it should be reserved for the support of the poor, the founding of universities and schools, and the maintenance of an efficient ministry throughout the country. At last,' continues the historian, 'after great difficulty, the Privy Council came to the determination that the ecclesiastical revenues should be divided into three parts,--that two of them should be given to the ejected prelates during their lives, which afterwards reverted to the nobility, and that the third part should be divided between the Court and the Protestant ministry.' 'Well,' exclaimed Knox on hearing of this arrangement, 'if the end of this order be happy, my judgment fails me. I see two parts freely given to the devil, and the third must be divided between God and the devil.' Strong words these. Here is a Government, according to Knox's own statement of the case, giving five-sixths to the devil, and but a remaining sixth to God. But does Knox on that account refuse God's moiety? Does he set himself to reason metaphysically regarding _his_ degree of responsibility for either what the devil got, or what the Government gave the devil. Not he. He received God's part, and in applying it wisely and honestly to God's service, wished it more; but as for the rest, like a man of broad strong sense as he assuredly was, he left the devil and the Privy Council to divide the responsibility between them. And the large-minded Chalmers entertained exactly the same views,--views which, if not in thorough harmony with the idle fictions which dialecticians employ when they treat of Governments, at least entirely accord with the real condition of things. The official character of a representative Legislature must, as we have shown, resemble that of the constituency which it represents. In order to alter it permanently for the better, it is essentially necessary, as a first step in the process, that the worse parts of the constituencies on which it rests be so altered.