The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Vol. 2 (of 4) — John Stuart Mill — John Shaqi
The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Vol. 2 (of 4)
John Stuart Mill · en
The success of the negotiations at Amiens was largely due to the
personal characters of two men--Lord Cornwallis and Joseph Bonaparte.
The latter was conciliatory; the former, as Napoleon told Lord
Ebrington, in 1814, was from his integrity and goodness an honor to
his country. No sooner was the treaty signed than the opposition
leaders of the English Parliament began to declare that it gave to
France the mastery of the Continent. Addington stoutly denied the
allegation. Addison had always held the view that Great Britain had
been made an island in order that she might be the arbiter of the
Continent. This well-worn doctrine Addington vigorously maintained,
and, stung by the taunts of his opponents, he began the reign of peace
with a stronger emphasis than ever upon the time-honored (p.~264)
policy of meddling in continental affairs. In the Batavian, Helvetian,
Cisalpine, and Ligurian republics the English diplomatic agents
renewed their efforts to discredit the French influence, giving
comfort and support to those who would gladly have overturned all that
Bonaparte had done. The malcontents were, however, comparatively few,
because the people, having so long been the plaything of the old
European dynasties, had been but slightly invigorated by the
revolutionary epoch, and were content if only they might enjoy a
period of uninterrupted repose.
In Germany, however, the English envoys had a better field, for in
that disrupted land the case of the population, though resembling that
of those who dwelt in the countries just enumerated, was not
identical. Ever since France had asserted the doctrine that her
natural frontier was the Rhine, the simplest answer to the question of
how the temporal princes of the Germanic body were to be indemnified
for the territories she was seizing had evidently been found in
recurring to Richelieu's policy at the close of the Thirty Years' War,
namely, the secularization of bishoprics, and their incorporation with
dynastic states. In the Congress of Rastadt, Austria had grudgingly
admitted this as a guiding principle, disastrous as it was to her
supremacy in the empire--a supremacy based on the support of the
ecclesiastical rulers, who, being bound to no dynasty, naturally
rallied about the great Roman Catholic power, in opposition to
Prussia, her Protestant rival. So far, therefore, Roman Catholicism in
Germany had been in the main conservative, and English diplomatists
found ample room for the display of their ingenuity in offsetting
religious factions, as well as political cliques and dynastic
interests, one against the other.