[Footnote 26: In addition to the authorities given with the last chapter there are Garden: Traités. Leclercq: Collection des Lois. Lefebvre: Cabinets de l'Europe. Du Casse: Négociations relatives au Traité d'Amiens, Négociations de Lunéville; Jurien de la Gravière: Guerres Maritimes. Lettres inédites de Talleyrand à Napoléon. Stern: Briefe von Gentz in Oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung, Vol. XXI. Bailleu: Correspondance inédite du roi Frédéric-Guillaume et la reine Louise avec l'empereur Alexandre I. Himly: Histoire de la formation territoriale des États de l'Europe centrale. Holtzhausen: Der erste Consul und seine deutschen Besucher. Reichardt: Un Hiver à Paris sous le Consulat. Browning: England and Napoleon in 1803. Stanhope: William Pitt; Denkwürdigkeiten des Grafen de Bray.] Reciprocal Impressions -- Imminence of War -- State of England -- Bonaparte as a French Burgher -- The Democracy of the Tuileries -- Private Interview of Bonaparte and Whitworth -- The English Militia Mobilized -- Hot Words at Bonaparte's Reception -- Explanation of the Scene -- France Still Pacific -- England Immovable -- Declaration of War. [Sidenote: 1803] A trustworthy estimate has fixed the number of strangers who flocked to France during 1802 at twenty thousand, of whom four fifths were Britons--Fox and Lord Holland among the number. The impressions of the sympathetic English were not merely favorable, their senses were stunned. Like Great Britain herself, France seemed rejuvenated by her successive revolutions, the national life getting new vigor from movement and change. It was clear to them that the new France would be a foe vastly more redoubtable than either the recent or the former one. Pleasure-seekers found nothing of what they desired, neither reckless vice nor flippant gaiety. Paris was serious, settled, almost reserved. The country was busy and peaceful, agriculture prosperous, the church restored, life and goods safe, the highways improved, social and mercantile relations regular and dignified. The person of Bonaparte impressed them as that of a sagacious statesman; a commingling, they thought and feared, of Cromwell and Washington. Of anything like their own industrial revival they saw nothing; the ruler, they could see, was not a great financier, not even a fair economist. But he was equally great as a warrior and a civilian, so they returned to report to deaf ears that peace must be maintained even at great sacrifice. Liberal and sympathetic Germans made similar observations, and they marked with interest the simple life and plain ways which prevailed in the Tuileries as the example given to the men of power who had risen to replace the theorists of the Revolution. The France that would offer itself in expiation of monarchical crimes, the