It was, therefore, as a military despot that the First Consul
promulgated beneficent codes, founded an enduring jurisprudence,
created an efficient magistracy, and established social order. In this
process he completed the work of the Revolution by exalting the third
estate to ascendancy in the nation. The whole work, therefore, was not
only recognized as his in the house of every French burgher: he was
considered at every fireside to be the consummator of the Revolution
for which France had so long suffered in an agony of bloody sweat. Was
it therefore any wonder that not only he himself, but even the most
enlightened leaders of European thought, considered the safety and
renovation of European society to depend upon the extension of his
work? It is hard for us to appreciate this, because in France
Napoleon's institutions have remained almost as he left them, and
well-nigh stationary, while for a century the processes of ruthless
reform have been continuously working in other European lands, and
some neighboring peoples have outstripped the French in the matter of
a national unity consistent with local freedom. The First Consul felt
that in order to become great he had been forced to become strong; we
can understand that he could easily deceive himself into concluding
that in order to be greater he must become stronger. It was in these
days that he exclaimed, in the intimacy of familiar intercourse: "I
feel the infinite in me." Thereafter democracy in any form, even the
mildest, was offensive. Such men as Roederer were sent to Naples,
Berg--anywhere out of France. The times were not far removed from
those of the beneficent despots, except that this one ruled, not by
hereditary divine right, but by military force. Bonaparte's imperfect
training in politics and history made it possible for such visions as
those which now arose to haunt his brain. The beneficence he had
displayed already; for despotism he had had the finest conceivable
training, first among the sluggish populations of the Italian states
which he had reorganized, then in the myth of Egyptian conquest which
he had created and felt bound to maintain, and lastly in the national
disorders of a France shuddering at the possibility of a return either
to the hideous excesses of the Terror or to the intolerable abuses of
ecclesiasticism and absolute monarchy.