The Negro and the elective franchise. A series of papers and a sermon
John Stuart Mill · en
The reason for the elasticity of the primary is quite evident, that is,
why Colored people are allowed to take part in the primary in one
community and not in another, or why they are allowed at one time to
vote and at another time in that same community are not allowed to vote.
The purpose is to have the Colored voters as a harmless balance of power
between the Democrats and any other party that may show strength, that
is, to have the Colored man to settle disputes among white people
without becoming obstreperous because of this valuable assistance. There
were some communities where the Populists used the Colored voter to
defeat Democrats and others where the Democrats used this vote to defeat
Populists. Of the State as a whole, it may be said that Populism was
defeated by the Colored voters espousing the Democratic side. And be it
said to the common sense and good reason of many Democrats that this
fact is acknowledged and to an extent appreciated by the party now in
power—to the extent at least of staving off any further disfranchisement
measures thus far.
But the most flagrant high-handedness and palpable confession of purpose
on the part of white people with reference to our citizenship rights is
to be found in a state legislative enactment that looks to the municipal
management of two Georgia towns where the Colored voters are so
overwhelmingly in the majority that ordinary subterfuges would not
fulfill the requirement. Darien and St. Mary’s are two coast towns with
a large Colored population. The mayor and aldermen are not elected by
the voters in these towns; but, instead, these towns enjoy the unique
distinction of being managed by officials appointed by the governor of
the State. What is more simple; what more high-handed; what more
un-Democratic and subversive of national principles of government than
this?
Now let us ask the question: Can the Colored man cast his ballot in
Georgia?
In the first place, any party of any race may hold a primary.
Second, any man of any party or race may vote in the _general_ election
for any candidate he may wish.
Let us ask next, whether these ballots will be counted? That depends
entirely upon whether the need is to count them or destroy them; or
furthermore, to count them as ballots for some one for whom they were
not cast. The election boards and the management at the polls are not
bipartisan and the party in power may do what it chooses.