"1683-1920": The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—Germa — John Shaqi
"1683-1920": The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—GermaSchrader, Frederick Franklin
History
"1683-1920": The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—Germa
Schrader, Frederick Franklin
Germans -- United States; World War, 1914-1918 -- Miscellanea
Edward F. McSweeney, of the Americanization Committee of the
Massachusetts Chamber of Commerce, in tracing the baleful propaganda,
calls attention to a Fourth of July demonstration in London in 1917,
during which George Haven Putnam, himself a native of London, head of
one of the largest book publishing houses in this country, made the
following observations:
The feelings and prejudices of the Americans concerning
their transatlantic kinsfolk were shaped for my generation,
as for the boys of every generation that has grown up
since 1775, on text books and histories that presented
unhistorical, partisan and often distorted views of the
history of the first English colonies, of the events of the
Revolution, of the issues that brought about the War of
1812-15, and the grievances of 1861-1865.
The influence of the British element in our population has
proved sufficiently strong to enable the English-Americans
to bring it under control and to weld it into a nation
that, in its common character and purposes, =is English=.
=Text books are now being prepared which will present
juster historical accounts of the events of 1775-83,
1812-15 and 1861-65.=
Americans of today, looking back at the history with a
better sense of justice and a better knowledge of the
facts than was possible for their ancestors, are prepared
to recognize also that their great-grandfathers had
treated with serious injustice and with great unwisdom the
loyalists of New York and of New England, who had held to
the cause of the Crown.
It is in order now to admit that the loyalists had a fair
cause to defend, and it was not to be wondered at that many
men of the more conservative way of thinking should have
convinced themselves that =the cause of good government
for the colonies would be better served by maintaining the
royal authority and by improving the royal methods than
by breaking away into the all-dubious possibilities of
independence=.
I had occasion some months back when in Halifax to
apologize before the great Canadian Club, to the
descendants of some of the men who had in 1776 been
forced out of Boston through the illiberal policy of my
great-grandfather and his associates. My friends in Halifax
(and the group included some of my cousins) said that the
apology had come a little late, but that they were prepared
to accept it. They were prepared to meet more than half way
the Yankee suggestion.
During the present sojourn in England I met in one of the
Conservative clubs an old Tory acquaintance, who, with
characteristic frankness, said:
“Major, I am inclined to think that it was a good thing
that we did not break up your republic in 1861. =We have
need of you today in our present undertaking.=”
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