A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
History
A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
Law; Netherlands -- Foreign relations -- United States; United States -- Foreign relations -- Netherlands
But the circumstance, which perhaps in this age has stronger influence
than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the
great and growing interest of commerce; of the whole system of which
through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me
to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be
amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive
navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the
intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the
riches of her funds, render a connection with her very desirable to
America: and, on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the
productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation and
commerce; the vast demand and consumption in America of the manufactures
of Europe, of merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies,
and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot
admit of a doubt, that a connection with the United States would be
useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this, that
notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever
considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment
which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as
injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was
both to the trade and the rights of the Colonists. There is now an
opportunity offered to both, to shake off this shackle for ever. If any
consideration whatever could have induced them to have avoided a war
with your High Mightinesses, it would have been the apprehension of an
alliance between the two Republics: and it is easy to foresee, that
nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace, than such a
connection once completely formed. It is needless to point out,
particularly, what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the
Republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected and
encouraged, between them and the Continent of America; or what profits
might be made by the Dutch East India Company, by carrying their effects
directly to the American market; or how much even the trade of the
Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America;
which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp,
cordage, sail-cloth, and other articles of that commerce: how much the
national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing ships
there: how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much
more advantageous it would prove to both countries, to have their ports
mutually opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their prizes.
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