A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
History
A Collection of State-papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister Plenipotentiary, by Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands : to Which is Prefixed, the Political Character of John Adams, Ambassador Plenipotentiary from the States of North America, to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands ... Likewise, an Essay on Canon and Feudal
Law; Netherlands -- Foreign relations -- United States; United States -- Foreign relations -- Netherlands
If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, origin, manners, and
the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground
and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters
himself that, in all these particulars, the union is so obviously
natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of
Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High
Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that
the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American
cause, (and where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable
treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of
the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late marine treaty
concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can
be established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it, nor
submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America?
Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen and
magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination
and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put
the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that
enormous empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of
its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice,
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans
are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on the one
hand, and that the powers of Europe ought not and could not with safety
consent to it, if they were so inclined, on the other; why should a
source of contention be left open, for future contingencies to involve
the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive
step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in
possession of sovereignty by right and in fact, it might be closed?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account