_I seigh =s=ómme that =s=éiden | þei had y=s=óuȝt =s=éyntes_. ib. 50; in the first hemistich it occurs rarely: _Ac on a =M=áy =m=órnynge | on =M=áluerne húlles._ ib. 5. Type B C is frequently to be met with in both hemistichs; e.g. in the first: _In a =s=ómer =s=éson, | whan =s=óft was the =s=ónne._ ib. 1. _And as I =l=áy and =l=éned | and =l=óked in þe wáteres._ ib. 9; in the second: _=B=ídders and =b=éggeres | fast a=b=óute ȝéde._ ib. 40. _=W=énten to =W=álsyngham, | and here =w=énches áfter._ ib. 54. Masculine endings, however (originating from the dropping of the final _-e_ in the last words of the types A and C, as e.g. in _and =d=rédful of síght_ Prol. 16, _=c=ristened þe =k=ýnge_ xv. 437, _as þe kýng híght_ iii. 9), occur very rarely here. They are, on the other hand, characteristic forms in another group of alliterative poems. § =57.= These belong to the =North of England= and the adjacent parts of the Midlands. In these districts the final _e_ had by this time become silent, or was in the course of becoming so. Thus many verses of West-Midland poems were shortened in the North by omitting the final _-e_, and then these forms were imitated there. Hence the middle of the line was much less modified than the end of it. Types A, C, B C, therefore, occur not only in the ordinary forms with unaccented syllables at the end, but also, although more rarely, with accented ones, viz. corresponding to the schemes: A1, (×) –́ × × –́, C1, (×) × × –́ –́, BC1, (×) × × –́ × –́. These forms of the hemistich first occur in the _Destruction of Troy_, a poem written in a West-Midland dialect very like to the Northern dialect, and in the North-English poems, _Morte Arthure_ and _The Wars of Alexander_ (E. E. T. S., Extra-Ser. 47). Examples of these types (taken from the first-mentioned poem) are: of type A1 in the second hemistich, _for =l=érning of ús_ 32, _þat =ó=nest were =á=y_ 48; with a polysyllabic thesis, _and =l=ympit of the sóthe_ 36; with a secondary accent, _with =c=léne mèn of wít_ 790; without anacrusis,[112] _=l=émond as góld_ 459, _=b=léssid were Í_ 473; in the first hemistich, with disyllabic anacrusis, _þat ben =d=répit with =d=éth_ 9, _þat with the =G=rékys was =g=rét_ 40; without anacrusis, _=B=ýg y-noghe vnto =b=éd_ 397, _=T=rýed men þat were =t=áken_ 258, &c.; examples for C1 (only occurring in the second hemistich), _þat he =f=óre with_ 44, _into your =l=ond hóme_ 611, _ye have =s=áid well_ 1122, _þat ho =b=órne wás_ 1388, _of my =c=órs hás_ 1865; examples for B C1, in the second hemistich (of rare occurrence), _when it de=st=róyet wás_ 28, _and to =s=órow bróght_ 1497, _þere þe =c=ítie wás_ 1534.