The jubilee that hailed the birth of the new government was scarcely over, ere its friends, in their eagerness to push the advantages already gained, and its enemies, in the hope of retrieving their defeat, found means to rouse into new life the scarce quieted troubles of the Convention. The relative importance, however, of the slavery questions, was already beginning to change. The provision apportioning representatives and direct taxes, was so carefully worded and had been so anxiously debated both in the Federal and State Conventions, that no flaw could be found to hang a doubtful construction on, and little hope could be entertained of overturning that which had been so deliberately and so recently agreed upon as in some measure the corner-stone of the structure upon which all the nation’s hopes depended. It was rather the toleration of the slave trade which at this early period stung the consciences or clashed with the interests of a portion of the members. In the first session of the first Congress, when the tariff bill was under discussion, Parker, a delegate from _Virginia_, first rekindled the wordy war, by moving to insert a clause imposing a duty of ten dollars a head, which was allowed by the Constitution, upon every slave imported. The question seems to have been debated, like its countless progeny, with abundant warmth. Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, informed the House that “no topic had yet been introduced so important to South Carolina and the welfare of the Union.” Jackson, from Georgia, one of the most indefatigable debaters of his day, and a man of very considerable abilities, attacked Virginia with especial bitterness for her interested and hypocritical philanthropy. But perhaps the most remarkable, as it certainly was the most able speech delivered on the subject, was that of Madison in support of the measure. As his opinions are known to have coincided with those of Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, they may be fairly taken as expounding the sense of Revolutionary Virginia on the great interests of slavery. “By expressing,” said he, “a national disapprobation of that trade, it is to be hoped we may destroy it, and so save ourselves from reproaches, _and our posterity from the imbecility ever attendant upon a country filled with slaves_. This is as much the interest of South Carolina and Georgia as of any other States. Every addition they receive to the number of their slaves tends to weakness, and renders them incapable of self-defence. In case of hostilities with foreign nations, their slave population will be the means, not of repelling invasion, but of inviting attack. It is the duty of the general government to protect every part of the Union against danger as well internal as external. Everything, therefore, which tends to increase this danger, is a proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the general administration of the government.” Parker finally withdrew his motion,