A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave QuestionMember of the Philadelphia bar
History
A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave Question
Member of the Philadelphia bar
Fugitive slaves -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Hanway, Castner, 1821-1893 -- Trials, litigation, etc.; Riots -- Pennsylvania -- Christiana; Trials (Treason) -- Pennsylvania -- Philadelphia; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
power to prohibit citizens of the United States from supplying foreign
countries with slaves, and to forbid foreigners fitting out slave ships
in our ports; and finally that they would exercise all the authority
they had to promote the views presented by the memorialists.
Our limits will not permit us to give even an abstract of the
arguments, thinly scattered through six days of congressional
declamation, upon this memorable report. The speakers readily
divided themselves into the three parties which have ever since been
maintained, whenever a similar question has arisen in either house--the
earnest and uncompromising opponents of slavery; its equally zealous
defenders; and a third party, which from that day to this has uniformly
stood between the two, with temporising, soothing, and compromising
measures, promising peace, but sowing the seeds of future war, quieting
the temper but not satisfying the understanding, sweet to the mouth but
bitter to the belly. Jackson and Smith, after deprecating the question
altogether as unconstitutional and uncalled for, finally took bolder
ground than any they had yet assumed, insisting on the justice and
necessity of their favorite institution; on the happy condition of the
Southern slave, as compared with the laborers of Europe, and the lower
classes of the North; that slavery, sanctioned by the example of every
illustrious nation of ancient and modern times, looked for its original
to the will of God himself; that this unnecessary measure bade fair to
plunge the Union into confusion; that the South was prepared to defend,
and would defend their property against every aggression; that if the
compromises of the Constitution were not to be respected, the Union,
which had been cemented by them must at once and forever be dissolved.
The opposite side was supported mainly by Virginia, Delaware, and
Pennsylvania; but the only speech of interest on their side, was that
of Scott, from the last named State, who labored, with no little
ingenuity, to prove that Congress were in no wise bound to inactivity
by the clause in question; that, as the arbiters of commerce, the
framers of naturalization laws, and the punishers of piracy, they could
in many ways not only control, but if they saw fit, at once abolish the
traffic, in spite of this ambiguous and disgraceful restriction.
There was not, and there could not be, anything original in the views
of the third party, except perhaps that their most earnest advocate,
Baldwin, came from Georgia.
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