As a last resort, however, the Carolinas had an argument ready which defied all ingenuity, learning, or statesmanship to answer, and which has so often proved potential in after discussions. “North Carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate the black population at least at three-fifths.” Connecticut generosity immediately interposed to prevent so disastrous a result, and after another fruitless effort to obtain an equality of representation, as some of the members rather metaphorically termed it, for the luckless slaves, the clause as it now stands was adopted by an almost unanimous vote. Thus was established the second great compromise of the Constitution. It is in vain to support it now upon the grounds which its friends originally occupied. Truer views of the real origin and real ends of Government, have forever exploded amongst us the notion, that property can in any way with justice be made an element of representation; and that article in the Constitution stands now solely upon any merit which it may have acquired as a necessary concession to reconcile clashing interests; and it will probably hold its place as long as slavery exists, upon the simple ground so tersely laid down at the close of the discussion--that North Carolina would never have confederated without it. The course of the debate had, however, clearly shown that the slavery question was at best nothing but the stalking horse behind which deeper influences moved; that though the battle cry on one side might be the rights of man, and on the other the rights of the master, yet the battle cry in this, as in many other cases, hinted but remotely at the real grounds of the war. The slaveholding States were at that time the richest part of the Union, but their wealth arose exclusively from agriculture, and their interests of course centered in this, and in the exportation of their products. The Eastern and Middle States, though then comparatively poor, were clearly destined to be the commercial power of the Union, though the extent of that commerce and the enormous wealth of which it has been the source, was then little dreamed of. The great West was as yet a power unknown, and scarcely foreseen even by the most sagacious statesmen. The object of the South, therefore, was to increase their productive power, to give it as great an influence as possible in the affairs of the country, to leave commerce unfettered, and especially to exempt exports from the payment of duties. That of the North, on the other hand, was to give Congress such large powers in the regulation of commerce, as might be employed in the protection of their infant marine against foreign competition; and to diminish the duties on imports. In short it was merely a question as to which should be the predominating interest--whether the South should be a huge plantation to be drained of its wealth by the merchant princes of the North, or whether the northern cities should be nothing but