A Treatise on the Plague and Yellow Fever: With an Appendix, containing histories of the plague at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian War; at Constantinople in the time of Justinian; at London in 1665; at Marseilles in 1720 — John Shaqi
A Treatise on the Plague and Yellow Fever: With an Appendix, containing histories of the plague at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian War; at Constantinople in the time of Justinian; at London in 1665; at Marseilles in 1720Tytler, James
History
A Treatise on the Plague and Yellow Fever: With an Appendix, containing histories of the plague at Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian War; at Constantinople in the time of Justinian; at London in 1665; at Marseilles in 1720
Tytler, James
Plague -- Early works to 1800; Yellow fever -- Early works to 1800
Every one allows, that, though some diseases are natural, some are
likewise artificial; but nobody hath attempted to draw the line of
demarcation between them. Every thing is charged upon climate, heat,
moisture, drought, vapour, &c. and yet, upon examination, we shall find
the utmost difficulty in deriving a single disease from the causes we
assign. No person in his senses will say that Adam, in consequence of
eating the forbidden fruit, became liable to the venereal disease. As
little can we say for the gout, the stone, or the dropsy; and if we
cannot particularize the diseases to which he became naturally liable,
we have no right to say that any kind of disease became natural to
him in consequence of his transgression. If, therefore, death itself,
originally not natural to man, did yet take place in consequence of
his moral conduct; and if diseases, without number, have arisen among
his posterity, though not natural to him in consequence of his first
transgression, we have equal reason to believe that these diseases
have taken place among them in consequence of their moral or rather
_immoral_ conduct, in totally deviating from the line prescribed them
by their Maker, and following others of their own invention; and this
will appear the more probable, when we consider, that, long after
mankind became subject to death, we find diseases, particularly the
pestilence, threatened as the consequence of subsequent transgressions.
If, without taking scripture into consideration, we attend only to
what may be gathered from profane history, we find the testimony of
all the ancients concurring in one general point, viz. that in times
of great antiquity men were more healthy, and even stronger, than in
the times when those authors lived. This is taken notice of by Homer,
when comparing the strength of men in the time of the Trojan war with
those in his days, about two centuries later.[30] Virgil, who lived in
much more modern times than Homer, carries his ideas of the degeneracy
of man much farther; and informs us, that Turnus, when fighting with
Æneas, took up and threw a stone which twelve men of that time could
not have lifted. Now, though we know that both these accounts are
fabulous, yet they perfectly coincide with the voice of historians of
all nations; for we are universally told, that the first inhabitants
of countries were a brave, hardy people, living according to the
simplicity of nature, free from diseases, and attaining to a good old
age.
[30]
A pond’rous stone bold Hector heav’d to throw,
Pointed above, and rough and gross below;
Not _two_ strong men th’ enormous weight could raise,
Such men as live in these degenerate days.
Iliad, B. xii.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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