Abraham Lincoln's Lost Speech, May 29, 1856: A Souvenir of the Eleventh Annual Lincoln Dinner of the Republican Club of the City of New York, at the Waldorf, February 12, 1897Lincoln, Abraham
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Abraham Lincoln's Lost Speech, May 29, 1856: A Souvenir of the Eleventh Annual Lincoln Dinner of the Republican Club of the City of New York, at the Waldorf, February 12, 1897
Lincoln, Abraham
Slavery -- Kansas
what we propose--not to interfere with slavery where it exists (we have
never tried to do it), and to give them a reasonable and efficient
fugitive slave law. [A voice: “No!”] I say YES! [Applause.] It was part
of the bargain, and I’m for living up to it; but I go no further; I’m
not bound to do more, and I won’t agree any further. [Great applause.]
We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision
of the Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas;
for an Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay,
who is credited with the authorship of the Compromise in general
terms, did not even vote for that provision, but only advocated the
ultimate admission by a second compromise; and Thomas was, beyond all
controversy, the real author of the “slavery restriction” branch of the
Compromise. To show the generosity of the Northern members toward the
Southern side: on a test vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety
voted not to exclude, and eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the
slave States being ranged with the former and fourteen votes from the
free States, of whom seven were from New England alone; while on a vote
to exclude slavery from what is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred
and thirty-four _for_, to forty-two _against_. The scheme, as a whole,
was, of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to contend otherwise,
as is now being done by the Nebraskaites; it was so shown by the votes
and quite as emphatically by the expressions of representative men.
Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political
mistake; his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared
that this measure “would restore tranquillity to the country--a
result demanded by every consideration of discretion, of moderation,
of wisdom, and of virtue.” When the measure came before President
Monroe for his approval, he put to each member of his cabinet this
question: “Has Congress the constitutional power to prohibit slavery
in a Territory?” And John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford from
the South, equally with John Quincy Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith
Thompson from the North, alike answered, “_Yes!_” without qualification
or equivocation; and this measure, of so great consequence to the
South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means of it, finally enabled
to knock at the door of the Republic for an open passage to its brood
of slaves. And, in spite of this, Freedom’s share is about to be taken
by violence--by the force of misrepresentative votes, not called for
by the popular will. What name can I, in common decency, give to this
wicked transaction? [Sensation.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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