Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16) — John Shaqi
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Permit me to examine some of the principal reasons which are deemed so
powerful by gentlemen as to induce them to vote for the destruction of
this treaty. Unfortunately for the gentlemen, no two of them can agree
on the same set of objections; and what is still more unfortunate, I
believe there are no two of them concur in any one objection. In one
thing only they seem to agree, and that is to vote against the bill. An
honorable gentleman from Delaware (Mr. WHITE) considered the price to be
enormous. An honorable gentleman from Connecticut, who has just sat down,
(Mr. TRACY,) says he has no objection whatever to the price; it is, he
supposes, not too much. An honorable gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
PICKERING) says that France acquired no title from Spain, and therefore
our title is bad. The same gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. TRACY) says
he has no objection to the title from France; he thinks it a good one.
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. PICKERING) contends that the United
States cannot under the constitution acquire foreign territory. The
gentleman from Connecticut is of a different opinion, and has no doubt
but that the United States can acquire and hold foreign territory; but
that Congress alone have the power of incorporating that territory into
the Union. What weight, therefore, ought all their lesser objections to
be entitled to, when they are at war among themselves on the greater one?
The same gentleman has told us, that this acquisition will, from its
extent, soon prove destructive to the confederacy.
This, continued Mr. B., is an old and hackneyed doctrine; that a republic
ought not to be too extensive. But the gentleman has assumed two facts,
and then reasoned from them. First, that the extent is too great; and
secondly, that the country will be soon populated. I would ask, sir,
what is his standard extent for a republic? How does he come at that
standard? Our boundary is already extensive. Would his standard extent be
violated by including the island of Orleans and the Floridas? I presume
not, as all parties seem to think their acquisition, in part or in whole,
essential. Why not then acquire territory on the west, as well as on the
east side of the Mississippi? Is the Goddess of Liberty restrained by
water courses? Is she governed by geographical limits? Is her dominion
on this continent confined to the east side of the Mississippi? So far
from believing in the doctrine that a republic ought to be confined
within narrow limits, I believe, on the contrary, that the more extensive
its dominion the more safe and more durable it will be. In proportion
to the number of hands you intrust the precious blessings of a free
government to, in the same proportion do you multiply the chances for
their preservation. I entertain, therefore, no fears for the confederacy
on account of its extent.
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