Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
I had hoped, sir, that the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. TRACY,) from
the trouble he was so good as to give himself yesterday in assisting to
amend this bill, would have voted for it; but it seems he is constrained
to vote to-day against it. He asks, if the United States have power to
acquire and add new States to the Union, can they not also cede States?
Can they not, for example, cede Connecticut to France? I answer they
cannot; but for none of the reasons assigned by him. The Government of
the United States cannot cede Connecticut, because, first, it would be
annihilating part of that sovereignty of the nation which is whole and
entire, and upon which the Government of the United States is dependent
for its existence; and secondly, because the fourth section of the
fourth article of the constitution forbids it. But how does it follow
as a consequence, that because the United States cannot cede an existing
State, they cannot acquire a new State? He admits explicitly that
Congress may acquire territory and hold it as a territory, but cannot
incorporate it into the Union. By this construction he admits the power
to acquire territory, a modification infinitely more dangerous than
the unconditional admission of a new State; for by his construction,
territories and citizens are considered and held as the property of
the Government of the United States, and may consequently be used as
dangerous engines in the hands of the Government against the States and
people.
Could we not, says the same gentleman, incorporate in the Union some
foreign nation containing ten millions of inhabitants--Africa, for
instance--and thereby destroy our Government? Certainly the thing would
be possible if Congress would do it, and the people consent to it; but it
is supposing so extreme a case and is so barely possible, that it does
not merit serious refutation. It is also possible and equally probable
that republicanism itself may one day or other become unfashionable,
(for I believe it is not without its enemies,) and that the people of
America may call for a king. From such hypotheses it is impossible to
deduce any thing for or against the construction contended for. The true
construction must depend on the manifest import of the instrument and the
good sense of the community.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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