as “the friend of labor.” I answered that I certainly was, and that I would do everything in my power for the laboring man _except anything that was wrong_. I have the same answer to make to the business man. I will do everything I can do to help business conditions, except anything that is wrong. And it would be not merely wrong but infamous to fail to do all that can be done to secure the punishment of those wrongdoers whose deeds are peculiarly reprehensible because they are not committed under the stress of want. Whenever a serious effort is made to cut out what is evil in our political life, whether the effort takes the shape of warring against the gross and sordid forms of evil in some municipality, or whether it takes the shape of trying to secure the honest enforcement of the law as against very powerful and wealthy people, there are sure to be certain individuals who demand that the movement stop because it may hurt business. In each case the answer must be that we earnestly hope and believe that there will be no permanent damage to business from the movement, but that if righteousness conflicts with the fancied needs of business, then the latter must go to the wall. We can not afford to substitute any other test for that of guilt or innocence, of wrongdoing or welldoing, in judging any man. If a man does well, if he acts honestly, he has nothing to fear from this Administration. But so far as in me lies the corrupt politician, great or small, the private citizen who transgresses the law――be he rich or poor――shall be brought before the impartial justice of a court. Perhaps I am most anxious to get at the politician who is corrupt, because he betrays a great trust; but assuredly I shall not spare his brother corruptionist who shows himself a swindler in business life; and, according to our power, crimes of fraud and cunning shall be prosecuted as relentlessly as crimes of brutality and physical violence.