which is willing to spend £2,000 in settling a Scots overseas, but unwilling to spend £1,000 to settle him at home—although the percentage of such home settlements as have been effected (a miserably small percentage of the applications) which has been successful has been much greater than amongst overseas settlements, relatively expensive as the latter are. Most important of all is the necessity for devising and financing a thorough-going agricultural policy for Scotland, designed to do for it, in accordance with its specific requirements, something like what Denmark and other small nations have achieved for themselves by co-operative methods. But what hope is there for the initiation of any such policy under the present system? Scottish Independence is an indispensable preliminary to any attempt to solve Scottish problems in such a fashion as may arrest the deplorable efflux of Scottish people and the progressive dereliction of the Scottish soil. Dealing with the question of Irish Immigration, the Committee on Church and Nation of the Established Church of Scotland says: “There are only two explanations of the great racial problem that has arisen in Scotland—the emigration of the Scots and the immigration of the Irish people. There does not seem to be any hope of alleviation of this problem in the future. All available evidence points to its intensification. The outlook for the Scottish race is exceedingly grave. If ever there was a call to the Church of Scotland to stand fast for what men rightly contend dearest—their nationality and their traditions—that call is surely sounding now, when our race and our culture are faced with a peril which, though silent and unostentatious, is the gravest with which the Scottish people has ever been confronted.”