American ideals, and other essays, social and political — John Shaqi
American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
In conclusion, then, the man with a university education is in honor
bound to take an active part in our political life, and to do his
full duty as a citizen by helping his fellow-citizens to the extent
of his power in the exercise of the rights of self-government. He is
bound to rank action far above criticism, and to understand that the
man deserving of credit is the man who actually does the things, even
though imperfectly, and not the man who confines himself to talking
about how they ought to be done. He is bound to have a high ideal and
to strive to realize it, and yet he must make up his mind that he will
never be able to get the highest good, and that he must devote himself
with all his energy to getting the best that he can. Finally, his
work must be disinterested and honest, and it must be given without
regard to his own success or failure, and without regard to the effect
it has upon his own fortunes; and while he must show the virtues of
uprightness and tolerance and gentleness, he must also show the sterner
virtues of courage, resolution, and hardihood, and the desire to war
with merciless effectiveness against the existence of wrong.
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FOOTNOTES:
[5] _Atlantic Monthly_, August, 1894.
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V
PHASES OF STATE LEGISLATION[6]
THE ALBANY LEGISLATURE.
Few persons realize the magnitude of the interests affected by
State legislation in New York. It is no mere figure of speech to
call New York the Empire State; and many of the laws most directly
and immediately affecting the interests of its citizens are passed
at Albany, and not at Washington. In fact, there is at Albany a
little home rule parliament which presides over the destinies of a
commonwealth more populous than any one of two thirds of the kingdoms
of Europe, and one which, in point of wealth, material prosperity,
variety of interests, extent of territory, and capacity for expansion,
can fairly be said to rank next to the powers of the first class. This
little parliament, composed of one hundred and twenty-eight members in
the Assembly and thirty-two in the Senate, is, in the fullest sense of
the term, a _representative_ body; there is hardly one of the many and
widely diversified interests of the State that has not a mouthpiece at
Albany, and hardly a single class of its citizens--not even excepting,
I regret to say, the criminal class--which lacks its representative
among the legislators. In the three Legislatures of which I have been
a member, I have sat with bankers and bricklayers, with merchants
and mechanics, with lawyers, farmers, day-laborers, saloonkeepers,
clergymen, and prize-fighters. Among my colleagues there were many very
good men; there was a still more numerous class of men who were neither
very good nor very bad, but went one way or the other, according to the
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